The History of Biblical Universalism

This article examines the historical development of biblical universalism—the doctrine that all souls will ultimately be reconciled to God—from the early church through its suppression and modern scholarly recovery. The evidence reveals that universalism was not a marginal position but dominated four of six major theological schools in Christianity’s first 600 years.

Table of Early Church Fathers on Universal Restoration

Date	Quote & Biblical References	Universalist Explanation
c. 150-215 CE	Clement of Alexandria: “All men are Christ’s, some by knowing Him, the rest not yet. He is the Savior, not of some and the rest not. For how is He Savior and Lord, if not the Savior and Lord of all?” “God’s punishments are saving and disciplinary, leading to conversion.”	Based on 1 Timothy 4:10 (“Savior of all men”), Clement taught that Christ’s salvation extends to all humanity. Some receive it now through knowledge, others later through corrective punishment. God’s justice serves His love—punishment is medicinal, not retributive. This reflects Hebrews 12:6: “The Lord disciplines those He loves.”
c. 184-253 CE	Origen: “We think that the goodness of God, through His Christ, may recall all His creatures to one end, even His enemies being conquered and subdued… for Christ must reign until He has put all enemies under His feet.” “The end is always like the beginning; as therefore there is one end of all things, so we must understand that there is one beginning of all things.”	Origen’s apokatastasis doctrine builds on 1 Corinthians 15:25-28 where Christ subdues all enemies until God becomes “all in all.” The phrase cannot mean God is “all in some” if souls remain eternally lost. Acts 3:21‘s “restoration of all things” confirms universal scope. Origen saw Romans 5:18‘s parallel—as Adam’s sin affected all, so Christ’s righteousness brings life to all.
c. 335-395 CE	Gregory of Nyssa: “When death shall no longer exist, nor the sting of death, nor any evil at all, then verily God will be ‘all in all.'” “It is needful that evil should some day be wholly and absolutely removed out of the circle of being.”	Gregory interprets 1 Corinthians 15:28‘s “God all in all” as requiring evil’s complete elimination. If hell existed eternally, God could not be “all in all.” He understood Philippians 2:10-11 (“every knee shall bow”) as genuine worship, not forced submission. The Greek kolasis in Matthew 25:46 means correction, not endless torment. Gregory taught postmortem salvation based on 1 Peter 3:19-20 (Christ preaching to spirits in prison).
c. 350-428 CE	Theodore of Mopsuestia: “The wicked shall be punished till they learn that, by continuing in sin, they only continue in misery. When they have been brought to fear God, and to regard Him with good will, they shall obtain the enjoyment of His grace.”	Theodore saw punishment as educational based on Lamentations 3:31-33: “The Lord will not reject forever… He does not willingly afflict.” The Greek aionios (eternal) means “age-lasting,” not endless. Romans 11:32 states God “imprisoned all in disobedience so that He may have mercy upon all”—the scope of mercy matches the scope of judgment.
c. 330-390 CE	Diodore of Tarsus: “For the wicked there are punishments, not perpetual, however, lest the immortality prepared for them should be a disadvantage, but they are to be purified for a brief period according to the amount of malice in their works.”	Diodore taught proportional punishment based on Luke 12:47-48 (servants beaten according to knowledge). Colossians 1:20 declares Christ reconciles “all things” through the cross—not potentially but actually. The fire of judgment purifies like gold refinement (1 Corinthians 3:15—”saved, yet as through fire”).
c. 310-398 CE	Didymus the Blind: “Mankind, being reclaimed from their sins, are to be subjected to Christ in the fullness of the dispensation instituted for the salvation of all.”	Didymus interpreted Ephesians 1:10‘s “dispensation of the fullness of times” as God’s plan to “gather together all things in Christ.” The “all” subjected to Christ in 1 Corinthians 15:27 equals the “all” made alive in Him (v. 22). Universal subjection means universal salvation, as God desires all to be saved (1 Timothy 2:4).
c. 613-700 CE	Isaac of Nineveh: “It is not the way of the compassionate Maker to create rational beings in order to deliver them over mercilessly to unending affliction.” “As a handful of sand thrown into the ocean, so are the sins of all flesh compared with the mind of God.”	Isaac emphasized God’s nature as love (1 John 4:8). Eternal hell contradicts divine compassion shown in Psalm 103:8-9: “The Lord is compassionate… He will not always accuse, nor harbor His anger forever.” Romans 11:36 teaches all things come from God and return to Him—none can remain eternally separated. Postmortem opportunity continues based on Christ’s eternal priesthood (Hebrews 7:25).
c. 815-877 CE	John Scotus Eriugena: “All things shall return to their first principle, from which they proceeded… God shall be all in all, and every creature shall be overshadowed, i.e., converted into God.”	Eriugena’s Neoplatonic framework interprets Romans 11:36 (“from Him, through Him, to Him are all things”) as cosmic return to divine source. John 12:32 promises Christ will “draw all people” to Himself—not merely attempt to draw. The restoration of Acts 3:21 encompasses everything God created.
c. 580-662 CE	Maximus the Confessor: “God will be all in all… embracing all and giving subsistence to all… No being will be out of God’s presence.”	Maximus taught that 1 Corinthians 15:28‘s vision requires universal participation in divine life. The image of God in humanity cannot be eternally corrupted. 2 Peter 3:9 shows God is “not willing that any should perish”—His will cannot ultimately fail. Conditional immortality serves restoration, not endless torment.

Introduction: The Hidden Mainstream

The doctrine of universal salvation—the belief that all souls will ultimately be reconciled to God—was not merely a minority opinion in early Christianity but was taught by many of the church’s most respected theologians and dominated four of the six major theological schools in the first 600 years of Christian history. This comprehensive examination reveals how universalism, grounded in biblical interpretation and championed by prominent church fathers from Alexandria to Antioch, flourished for centuries before Augustine’s opposition and subsequent institutional suppression transformed it from mainstream theology into supposed heresy.

The prevalence of universalist teaching among early church fathers presents a striking contrast to later Christian orthodoxy. Historical analysis by Edward Beecher and George T. Knight demonstrates that of the six main theological schools in early Christianity, four taught universalism (Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, and Edessa/Nisibis), one taught annihilationism (Ephesus), and only one taught eternal punishment (Carthage/Rome). Even Augustine, universalism’s great opponent, admitted that “very many” Christians of his time refused to believe in eternal punishment, while Jerome noted that “many” believed even the devil would eventually repent and be restored.

The Architects of Universal Restoration

Clement of Alexandria (c. 150-215 CE)

“All men are Christ’s, some by knowing Him, the rest not yet. He is the Savior, not of some and the rest not. For how is He Savior and Lord, if not the Savior and Lord of all?”

Clement, who led the prestigious Catechetical School of Alexandria, articulated one of the earliest systematic presentations of universal restoration. He taught that God’s punishments were fundamentally medicinal rather than retributive, asserting that “He indeed saves all universally—some as converted by punishments, others by voluntary submission with dignity of honor.” His theology emphasized that divine correction was pedagogical, designed to restore rather than destroy, with punishment serving as education that would continue beyond death until complete restoration was achieved.

Origen (c. 184-253 CE)

“We think, indeed, that the goodness of God, through His Christ, may recall all His creatures to one end, even His enemies being conquered and subdued… for Christ must reign until He has put all enemies under His feet.”

Origen, Clement’s successor and arguably the most influential theologian of the early church after the apostles, developed the most comprehensive universalist theology of the patristic period. In his systematic work De Principiis, Origen wrote: “When death shall no longer anywhere exist, nor the sting of death, nor any evil at all, then verily God will be ‘all in all.'” His doctrine of apokatastasis—the restoration of all things—envisioned a cosmic reconciliation. Origen’s universalism was not mere speculation but emerged from careful biblical exegesis, particularly his interpretation of 1 Corinthians 15:28‘s vision of God becoming “all in all.”

Gregory of Nyssa (c. 335-395 CE)

“For it is evident that God will in truth be ‘all in all’ when there shall be no evil in existence, when every created being is at harmony with itself, and every tongue shall confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.”

Gregory, declared “the father of fathers” by the Seventh Ecumenical Council and never condemned for his universalist teachings, refined the doctrine with philosophical sophistication. He wrote in On the Soul and Resurrection that “it is needful that evil should some day be wholly and absolutely removed out of the circle of being.” Gregory taught that evil, having no substantial existence of its own, must eventually cease to exist entirely. His universalism maintained that divine fire was purifying rather than destructive, comparing it to the refinement of gold where “the dross is purged from gold by fire.”

Theodore of Mopsuestia (c. 350-428 CE)

“The wicked who have committed evil the whole period of their lives shall be punished till they learn that, by continuing in sin, they only continue in misery. And when, by this means, they shall have been brought to fear God, and to regard Him with good will, they shall obtain the enjoyment of His grace.”

Theodore served as Bishop of Mopsuestia for 36 years and was ranked next to Origen in esteem by the ancient church. The Antiochene school produced equally prominent universalists, including Theodore and his teacher Diodore of Tarsus, who proclaimed that “for the wicked there are punishments, not perpetual, however, lest the immortality prepared for them should be a disadvantage, but they are to be purified for a brief period according to the amount of malice in their works.”

Later Universalist Fathers

Later centuries saw the continuation of universalist theology through figures like Isaac of Nineveh (c. 613-700 CE), whose recently discovered writings confirm his passionate embrace of apokatastasis:

“It is not the way of the compassionate Maker to create rational beings in order to deliver them over mercilessly to unending affliction in punishment for things of which He knew even before they were fashioned. As a handful of sand thrown into the ocean, so are the sins of all flesh as compared with the mind of God.”

The Irish theologian John Scotus Eriugena (c. 815-877) carried the tradition into the medieval period, translating works of Gregory of Nyssa and developing a systematic universalist theology that saw all creation returning to divine unity.

Scripture’s Universal Horizon

The biblical foundation for universalism rests on numerous passages that early church fathers interpreted as teaching ultimate universal restoration.

Key Biblical Passages Supporting Universalism

Acts 3:21 speaks of the “restoration of all things” (apokatastasis panton), a phrase that became technical terminology for universal salvation in patristic theology. The Greek term apokatastasis, meaning complete restoration to an original condition, appears only once in the New Testament but encapsulates the universalist vision of cosmic redemption.

Colossians 1:19-20 declares that God was pleased “through him to reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in heaven, making peace by the blood of his cross.” The intensified verb apokatallasso (thoroughly reconcile) coupled with the comprehensive scope of “all things” (ta panta) led universalist fathers to see Christ’s reconciliation as genuinely universal rather than merely potential or limited to believers.

Perhaps the most compelling biblical argument comes from 1 Corinthians 15:22-28, where Paul writes, “For as in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all be made alive.” The parallel structure demands equal scope—if “all” died in Adam, then “all” are made alive in Christ. The passage culminates with the vision of God becoming “all in all” (panta en pasin), which Gregory of Nyssa and other fathers saw as incompatible with the eternal existence of unredeemed souls in hell.

Additional passages frequently cited by universalist fathers include:

Romans 5:18: “As one trespass led to condemnation for all men, so one act of righteousness leads to justification and life for all men.”
Romans 11:32: “For God has imprisoned all in disobedience so that he may be merciful to all.”
Philippians 2:10-11: “Every knee shall bow… and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.”
1 Timothy 2:4: “God desires all people to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth.”
1 Timothy 4:10: “We have our hope set on the living God, who is the Savior of all people, especially of those who believe.”
Ephesians 1:9-10: God’s plan “to unite all things in him, things in heaven and things on earth.”

The Greek Language Argument

The universalist fathers paid careful attention to the Greek terminology of judgment. The word aionios, typically translated as “eternal,” derives from aion (age) and primarily meant “age-enduring” rather than “endless” in classical Greek usage. Plato himself distinguished between aionios (age-lasting) and aidios (truly eternal), yet the New Testament exclusively uses aionios for both “eternal” life and “eternal” punishment.

J.W. Hanson’s extensive research documented that “Christ avoided the terms the Jews used to denote endless punishment—terms He certainly would have employed had He intended to teach it.” These terms included:

eirgmos aidios – perpetual imprisonment
timorion adialeipton – unceasing torment
thanatos ateleutetos – unending death

Similarly, the Greek word kolasis used for punishment in Matthew 25:46 carries connotations of correction and pruning rather than retribution. Aristotle distinguished between kolasis (corrective punishment aimed at reformation) and timoria (retributive punishment for its own sake). The early fathers understood divine punishment as fundamentally kolastic—medicinal discipline designed to heal rather than harm.

From Alexandria to Rome: The Geographical Theology of Salvation

The Alexandria School

The Alexandria School, founded around 190 CE by St. Pantaenus, became the primary center of universalist theology. This institution, which traced its origins to apostolic tradition through St. Mark, produced the church’s most sophisticated theological minds. Beyond Clement and Origen, it nurtured Didymus the Blind (313-398 CE), who led the school for fifty years while developing universalist interpretations of Scripture despite his physical blindness.

The Antioch School

The Antioch School approached universalism through different methodological lenses but reached similar conclusions. While Alexandria emphasized allegorical interpretation, Antioch focused on historical-grammatical exegesis, yet both schools affirmed universal restoration. The Antiochene tradition spread through the School of Nisibis into Persian Christianity, where Theodore of Mopsuestia’s universalist theology influenced the entire Assyrian Church of the East, which never formally adopted the doctrine of eternal damnation.

The Caesarea School

The Caesarea School, established by Origen after his departure from Alexandria, continued propagating universalist theology through its extensive library and scholarly network. The Cappadocian fathers—Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Gregory of Nyssa—emerged from this theological milieu. While Basil remained cautious and Gregory of Nazianzus treated universalism as an open question, Gregory of Nyssa became one of universalism’s most articulate defenders.

Augustine’s Revolution and the Latin Transformation

The decline of universalism in Western Christianity can be traced primarily to Augustine of Hippo (354-430 CE), whose theological revolution fundamentally reshaped Christian soteriology. Augustine’s opposition to universalism emerged not from careful engagement with Greek patristic tradition—he could not read Greek—but from his distinctive theological framework combining Neo-Platonic philosophy with Latin juridical concepts.

“There are very many in our day who, though not denying the Holy Scriptures, do not believe in endless torments.” – Augustine, acknowledging the prevalence of universalism

In City of God, Augustine acknowledged that “very many” Christians believed in universal salvation while accepting eternal punishment for demons, a position he called inconsistent. His arguments against universalism rested on literal interpretations of judgment passages, particularly Matthew 25:46, and his doctrine of original sin, which held that all humanity inherited Adam’s guilt and deserved eternal punishment except for those elected by divine grace.

Augustine’s influence proved decisive for Western Christianity. His emphasis on predestination, original sin, and divine justice requiring eternal punishment became foundational for both Catholic and later Protestant traditions. The shift from Greek to Latin as Christianity’s theological language accelerated universalism’s marginalization, as Latin translations often obscured the nuanced Greek terminology that supported universalist interpretations.

The Contested Council and Historical Suppression

The Second Council of Constantinople (553 CE) has long been cited as condemning universalism, but modern scholarship reveals a more complex reality. The council primarily addressed the “Three Chapters” controversy rather than universalism per se. While Theodore of Mopsuestia was condemned posthumously, partly for his universalist teachings, the famous “fifteen anathemas against Origen” may have originated from a separate local synod in 543 rather than the ecumenical council itself.

Scholar Richard Price, translator of the council acts, notes that universalism was not on the agenda and wasn’t discussed by the council fathers. The original Greek acts are lost, surviving only in Latin translation, further complicating historical assessment. Contemporary patristic scholars increasingly question whether the Fifth Council actually condemned the doctrine of universal restoration as such, suggesting instead that specific Origenist cosmological speculations (like the pre-existence of souls) were the primary target.

Despite official censure, universalist theology persisted, particularly in Eastern Christianity. Isaac of Nineveh taught apokatastasis in the 7th century without condemnation. Maximus the Confessor (580-662 CE) developed sophisticated universalist sympathies while avoiding direct confrontation with imperial orthodoxy. Medieval mystics like Julian of Norwich (1342-1416) received visions proclaiming that “all shall be well, and all manner of thing shall be well,” suggesting divine universal restoration.

Scholarly Vindication: Documenting the Prevalence

Modern scholarship has dramatically revised understanding of early Christian universalism. J.W. Hanson‘s groundbreaking 1899 work Universalism: The Prevailing Doctrine of the Christian Church During Its First Five Hundred Years meticulously documented that “Universal Restitution was the faith of the early Christians for at least the First Five Hundred Years of the Christian Era.” Hanson’s linguistic analysis proved particularly influential, demonstrating that Christ deliberately avoided Jewish terms for endless punishment while using terms implying limited duration.

“In the first five or six centuries of Christianity there were six known theological schools, of which four (Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, and Edessa or Nisibis) were Universalist, one (Ephesus) accepted conditional immortality; one (Carthage or Rome) taught endless punishment of the wicked.” – Philip Schaff

Philip Schaff, the preeminent 19th-century church historian, confirmed the prominence of universalism among Greek-speaking church fathers in his multi-volume History of the Christian Church. F.W. Farrar‘s Eternal Hope (1878) and Mercy and Judgment (1881) brought scholarly documentation of early universalism to broader audiences.

The most comprehensive modern study comes from Ilaria Ramelli‘s 900-page The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis (2013). Ramelli concludes that apokatastasis was “an authentically Christian, or Jewish-Christian, doctrine” that emerged from biblical interpretation rather than Greek philosophy. Her research demonstrates that “the main Patristic supporters of this theory, Origen and Nyssen, did support it in defence of Christian ‘orthodoxy,’ against those which were regarded as the most dangerous heresies of their times.”

Contemporary Orthodox scholar David Bentley Hart argues in That All Shall Be Saved (2019) that “the great fourth-century church father Basil of Caesarea once observed that, in his time, most Christians believed that hell was not everlasting, and that all would eventually attain salvation.” Hart’s work represents a broader revival of interest in patristic universalism across denominational boundaries.

Conclusion: Recovering the Ancient Hope

The history of biblical universalism reveals a doctrine far more central to early Christianity than traditional narratives suggest. From Clement’s pedagogical punishment to Origen’s cosmic restoration, from Gregory’s philosophical arguments to Theodore’s pastoral assurances, universalism represented sophisticated theological reflection on Scripture’s universal passages and God’s nature as love. The geographical distribution—flourishing in Greek-speaking East while struggling in Latin West—suggests that linguistic and cultural factors shaped theological development as much as biblical interpretation.

Augustine’s successful campaign against universalism reshaped Western Christianity’s soteriological landscape, yet the doctrine’s persistence through centuries of suppression testifies to its theological resilience and pastoral appeal. Modern patristic scholarship’s recovery of universalism’s prevalence challenges assumptions about orthodox development and suggests that Christianity’s earliest centuries embraced a more expansive vision of divine mercy than later traditions acknowledged.

The biblical, patristic, and historical evidence presents universalism not as heterodox innovation but as ancient Christian hope—a vision where divine love ultimately conquers all resistance, evil finds no eternal dwelling, and God becomes, in Paul’s magnificent phrase, truly “all in all.” This research demonstrates that belief in postmortem salvation opportunities and ultimate universal restoration stands firmly within the historical mainstream of Christian theology, particularly as understood by those closest to the apostolic age and most fluent in the original languages of Scripture.