Chapter 23
Narrative Theology, Prophetic Witness, and God Among the Exiles
In the previous two chapters, we explored the Wisdom of Solomon and Sirach — two magnificent works of theological reflection that stand among the most important books in the deuterocanonical collection. Now we turn to three very different books: Tobit, Judith, and Baruch. These are not wisdom treatises. They are, instead, books of story, courage, and prophecy. And yet, for all their differences in genre and style, they share a powerful common thread: God's faithfulness to His people in exile, and His willingness to deliver them through unexpected means.
Tobit tells us about a righteous man who suffers unjustly in exile and is healed through divine providence and the ministry of an angel. Judith tells us about a courageous widow who single-handedly saves her people from destruction by trusting God and stepping into the enemy's camp. Baruch gives us the voice of a prophet calling exiled Israel to repentance — and in one stunning passage, foretells the very incarnation of God on earth.
These books matter. They matter historically, because they give us windows into Jewish faith and life during the exile and the Second Temple period. They matter theologically, because they address questions that every believer faces: Why do the righteous suffer? How does God deliver His people? What does it look like to remain faithful when everything has been taken away? And they matter canonically, because the early church received them as Scripture — read them, quoted them, and used them to teach the faith. If we want to understand the Bible that built the church, we need to understand Tobit, Judith, and Baruch.
Let's take each of these books in turn, exploring their stories, their theology, their place in the canon, and the objections that have been raised against them.
The book of Tobit is one of the most charming and beloved stories in all of ancient Jewish literature. Set during the Assyrian exile — after the fall of the northern kingdom of Israel in 722 BC — it tells the interwoven stories of two faithful Israelites who are suffering through no fault of their own, and whose prayers are answered by God through the ministry of an angel.
The first character is Tobit himself. He is an Israelite from the tribe of Naphtali, living in exile in the Assyrian city of Nineveh. Despite his difficult circumstances, Tobit remains deeply committed to the Law of Moses. He gives alms to the poor. He buries the dead — a particularly dangerous act, since the Assyrian king has forbidden the burial of executed Israelites. He observes the dietary laws. He makes pilgrimages to Jerusalem when he can. In short, Tobit is a righteous man who does everything right.
And yet, everything goes wrong. One night, after burying a dead Israelite, Tobit sleeps outdoors and sparrow droppings fall into his eyes, leaving him blind. His wife Anna must work to support the family, and Tobit falls into despair. He even prays that God would let him die: "Command that I be released from my distress to go to the eternal home; do not turn your face away from me, O Lord" (Tob 3:6). This is a man who has done everything right and received nothing but suffering in return.
The second character is Sarah, a young Jewish woman living in the city of Ecbatana in Media. Sarah has been married seven times, and each time, on the wedding night, a demon named Asmodeus has killed her husband before the marriage could be consummated. The household servants mock her: "You are the one who kills your husbands!" (Tob 3:8). Sarah too falls into despair and prays for death.
Here is the beautiful turning point. The text tells us that the prayers of both Tobit and Sarah ascend to God at the same moment — and God hears them both. In response, He sends the angel Raphael — whose name means "God heals" — to bring healing and deliverance to both of them.
Tobit, believing he is near death, sends his son Tobias on a journey to retrieve a sum of money that Tobit had deposited years earlier with a relative in Media. Tobias hires a traveling companion for the journey — a young man who calls himself Azariah. The reader knows what Tobias does not: Azariah is actually the angel Raphael in disguise.
Along the way, Tobias catches a large fish in the Tigris River. Raphael instructs him to keep the fish's heart, liver, and gall, telling him they have medicinal properties. When Tobias arrives in Ecbatana, Raphael arranges for him to marry Sarah — his kinswoman. On the wedding night, Tobias burns the fish's heart and liver, and the smoke drives the demon Asmodeus away. Raphael pursues the demon and binds him. The marriage is saved. Sarah is delivered.
When Tobias returns home with Sarah and the money, he applies the fish gall to his father's eyes — and Tobit's sight is restored. The family is reunited, healed, and blessed. At the end, Raphael reveals his true identity: "I am Raphael, one of the seven holy angels who present the prayers of the saints and enter into the presence of the glory of the Lord" (Tob 12:15).1
It is a beautiful story. And it is far more than just a story.
Tobit is a book bursting with theological richness. Let me highlight the major themes.
Divine Providence. The central theme of Tobit is that God is at work behind the scenes, even when we cannot see Him. Tobit suffers. Sarah suffers. Neither of them knows that God has already sent help. Neither of them knows that the angel Raphael is on his way. The message is clear: even in exile, even in suffering, even when everything seems hopeless, God is working all things together for good. This is the same theology we find in Romans 8:28 — and it is no accident that the early church loved this book.
Angels. Tobit gives us one of the most developed angelologies in the Old Testament-era literature. Raphael is not a vague, ethereal figure. He walks with Tobias, eats with the family, gives practical advice, and fights a demon. And at the end, he reveals that he is "one of the seven holy angels who present the prayers of the saints" before God (Tob 12:15). This is enormously significant. The concept of seven archangels who stand before God appears nowhere else in the Greek Old Testament — but it does appear in the New Testament. Revelation 8:2 tells us: "Then I saw the seven angels who stand before God, and seven trumpets were given to them." Where did John get this idea? The most natural source is the book of Tobit.2
Key Point: The concept of seven archangels standing before God (Revelation 8:2) appears nowhere else in the Greek Bible except Tobit 12:15. While John may have received this information through direct revelation, the verbal and conceptual parallel with Tobit is striking — and it is the kind of connection that suggests the New Testament authors knew and valued this book.
Prayer. Prayer is woven throughout Tobit. Both Tobit and Sarah pray in their distress. God hears their prayers simultaneously. Raphael tells the family that he has been presenting their prayers before God's throne. The message is that prayer is effective — that our prayers are not lost in the void but are carried into God's presence by angelic beings. Raphael tells Tobit: "Prayer with fasting is good, but better than both is almsgiving with righteousness... It is better to give alms than to lay up gold. For almsgiving saves from death and purges away every sin" (Tob 12:8–9).3
Almsgiving. Tobit places a remarkable emphasis on giving to the poor. This is one of the most prominent themes in the book. Tobit's instructions to his son include: "Give alms from your possessions to all who live uprightly, and do not let your eye begrudge the gift when you make it. Do not turn your face away from any poor man, and the face of God will not be turned away from you" (Tob 4:7). This teaching — that giving to the poor is spiritually efficacious and wins God's favor — is echoed directly in the Gospels. Jesus says in Luke 14:13–14: "But when you give a feast, invite the poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind, and you will be blessed, because they cannot repay you. You will be repaid at the resurrection of the just." The language and theology are strikingly similar.4
Marriage and Family. The marriage of Tobias and Sarah is presented as a divinely ordained union — a marriage blessed by God and protected by an angel. Before consummating the marriage, Tobias prays: "Blessed are you, O God of our ancestors... You made Adam, and for him you made his wife Eve as a helper and support. From the two of them the human race has sprung. You said, 'It is not good that the man should be alone; let us make a helper for him like himself'" (Tob 8:5–6). This prayer grounds marriage in the creation narrative of Genesis. It presents marriage not merely as a social contract but as a sacred institution established by God. The early church fathers used Tobit's wedding prayer extensively in their teaching on Christian marriage.
The Golden Rule. Tobit contains what may be the earliest formulation of the Golden Rule in its negative form. Tobit instructs Tobias: "And what you hate, do not do to anyone" (Tob 4:15). Jesus, of course, gives the positive formulation: "And as you wish that others would do to you, do so to them" (Luke 6:31). The King James Bible cross-references Luke 6:31 directly with Tobit 4:15 — a connection that was obvious to earlier generations of Christians who still had the deuterocanonical books in their Bibles.5
Righteous Suffering. Perhaps the deepest theological theme in Tobit is the question of why the righteous suffer. Tobit does everything right. He follows God's Law. He buries the dead. He gives alms. And yet he loses his sight, his livelihood, and nearly his will to live. The book never gives a neat philosophical answer to the problem of suffering. Instead, it shows us something better: it shows us that God is present in the suffering, that God hears the cries of His people, and that God brings deliverance in His own time and His own way. The righteous may suffer — but they are never abandoned.
As we explored in Chapter 20, the New Testament never quotes Tobit with a formula like "it is written." But the connections between Tobit and the New Testament are numerous and significant. In addition to the parallels we have already noted — the seven archangels (Rev 8:2 / Tob 12:15), the Golden Rule (Luke 6:31 / Tob 4:15), and the theology of almsgiving (Luke 14:13 / Tob 4:7) — there are several others worth noting.
Tobit 4:10 teaches that "alms deliver from death and keep you from going into darkness." This language echoes the theology of James 5:20: "Whoever brings back a sinner from his wandering will save his soul from death and will cover a multitude of sins." The early church father Polycarp of Smyrna explicitly quoted Tobit alongside 1 Peter to explain the spiritual power of almsgiving.6 Cyprian of Carthage quoted Raphael's words from Tobit 12:8–9 at length, calling them the testimony of "the angel" about the spiritual efficacy of almsgiving and prayer.7
These connections do not prove that Tobit is inspired — but they do demonstrate that the New Testament authors and the earliest church fathers inhabited the same theological world as Tobit, and that Tobit's theology is fully consistent with — and in some cases anticipates — the theology of the New Testament.
One of the most significant archaeological discoveries related to Tobit came from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Among the manuscripts found in Cave 4 at Qumran were five fragmentary copies of Tobit — four in Aramaic (4Q196, 4Q197, 4Q198, 4Q199) and one in Hebrew (4Q200). This is an extraordinary find. It means that we now have physical evidence that Tobit was being copied and read at Qumran in both Aramaic and Hebrew during the Second Temple period — probably in the first century BC.8
This discovery is significant for several reasons. First, it proves that Tobit was originally composed in a Semitic language — either Aramaic or Hebrew (or perhaps both, in different recensions). This undercuts the old Protestant argument that the deuterocanonical books are "merely Greek" compositions with no Semitic originals. Tobit was not a Greek invention. It was a Jewish book, written in a Semitic language, centuries before Christ.
Second, the presence of five copies at Qumran shows that Tobit was widely read and valued. The Qumran community — a devoutly religious Jewish sect that took Scripture extremely seriously — possessed multiple copies of this book alongside the protocanonical books. They did not treat it as a minor or secondary text. As S. Douglas Woodward notes in his analysis of the Dead Sea Scrolls, books like Tobit, Sirach, and the Letter of Jeremiah were found alongside the protocanonical books at Qumran, demonstrating that the boundaries of the Jewish canon were far more fluid in the Second Temple period than Protestants have traditionally assumed.9
Third, the Qumran fragments confirm that the longer Greek text of Tobit (preserved in the great uncial codices Sinaiticus and Vaticanus) reflects a Semitic original more faithfully than the shorter Greek recension. Jerome, when he translated Tobit for the Vulgate, used an Aramaic text — a text that he tells us he obtained from Jewish contemporaries. This is significant because it shows that even in Jerome's day (the late fourth century), Jews still possessed and transmitted copies of Tobit in Aramaic — even though they did not consider it canonical.10
The most common objection raised against Tobit is that it contains historical inaccuracies. For example, the book says that Tobit was taken captive during the fall of the northern kingdom to Assyria (around 722 BC) and that he was still alive to witness events that took place decades later. Some readers have also raised questions about geographical details and the historical plausibility of certain narrative elements.
How should we respond to this? Several points are worth making.
First, we need to understand the genre of Tobit. Tobit is not a historical chronicle like 1 and 2 Kings. It is a religious novella — a narrative that uses a historical setting to convey theological truths. The genre is similar to the book of Jonah, which uses a narrative set in the Assyrian period to teach about God's mercy toward Gentiles. Few scholars would claim that Jonah is a strict historical chronicle — and yet it is universally accepted as canonical Scripture. The same genre considerations that apply to Jonah apply to Tobit.11
Second, many of the alleged "inaccuracies" in Tobit are actually genre features that ancient readers would have recognized as literary conventions. The compression of timelines, the use of symbolic numbers, and the idealized portrayal of the protagonist are all common features of ancient Jewish narrative literature. We find similar features in the book of Daniel — another book set during the exile, another book that uses narrative to convey theological truth, and another book whose historical details have been questioned by critical scholars.
Third — and this is crucial — if we reject a book from the canon because it contains possible historical difficulties, we will have to reject several protocanonical books as well. The book of Chronicles contains numerical discrepancies when compared with Samuel and Kings. The Gospels contain apparent discrepancies in their accounts of the same events. These difficulties do not disprove inspiration — they reflect the nature of ancient historiography, which operated by different conventions than modern Western historical writing.
The real question is not whether Tobit reads like a modern history textbook. The real question is whether the book faithfully conveys divine truth — and on that score, Tobit passes with flying colors. Its theology of providence, prayer, almsgiving, marriage, and angelic ministry is fully consistent with the rest of Scripture. The early church received it as Scripture. The Dead Sea Scrolls confirm that it was treasured by devout Jews centuries before Christ. The case for Tobit is strong.
The early church used Tobit extensively and without hesitation. As we will explore more fully in Chapter 26, the church fathers quoted Tobit as Scripture alongside the protocanonical books. A few highlights are worth noting here.
Polycarp of Smyrna (c. AD 69–155), a disciple of the apostle John himself, quoted Tobit 4:10 and 12:9 alongside 1 Peter and Isaiah, treating all three sources as equally authoritative.12 Clement of Rome (c. AD 96) held up Judith as an example of courage and grace — alongside Esther — in his letter to the Corinthians.13 Cyprian of Carthage (c. AD 200–258) cited Raphael's words from Tobit 12:8–9 and 12:12–15 extensively in his teaching on prayer and almsgiving.14 Athanasius referenced Tobit alongside Matthew in his writings.15 Hilary of Poitiers cited Tobit 12:12 as proof that angels have their own proper stations and work before God.16 Didymus the Blind called Tobit 12:8–9 a reference from "the divinely-inspired Scripture" and referred to Tobit 4:15 as a "commandment."17 And Sulpitius Severus included Tobit as part of "Sacred Scripture" in his historical work.18
The testimony of the fathers is remarkably consistent. They did not treat Tobit as a secondary or merely "edifying" text. They treated it as Scripture — as the word of God — and used it to establish doctrine, to teach ethics, and to defend the faith.
If Tobit is a gentle story about faith and healing, Judith is a bold and dramatic story about courage and deliverance. It is one of the most gripping narratives in all of biblical literature — a story that has inspired painters, composers, poets, and theologians for over two thousand years.
The setting is a time of national crisis. A mighty army, led by the general Holofernes, is sweeping across the ancient Near East, destroying nations and demanding surrender. When the army arrives at the borders of Israel and lays siege to the small town of Bethulia, the people are terrified. Their water supply is cut off. They are starving. The elders of the town decide to give God five more days to act — and if He does not deliver them, they will surrender.
Enter Judith. She is a beautiful, wealthy, devoutly pious widow who has been mourning her dead husband for three years. When she hears that the elders have given God a deadline, she rebukes them sharply: "Who are you to put God to the test today, and to set yourselves up in the place of God in human affairs?... Do not try to bind the purposes of the Lord our God" (Jdt 8:12, 16). Judith reminds them that God cannot be tested or controlled — but He can be trusted.
Then Judith does something astonishing. She takes off her widow's garments, bathes, dresses herself in her finest clothes and jewelry, and walks out of the besieged city directly into the enemy camp. She tells Holofernes that she has come to betray her people and to show him a way to capture Bethulia without losing a single soldier. Holofernes, dazzled by her beauty and intelligence, welcomes her into his tent.
Timothy Michael Law captures the scene brilliantly: the Assyrian soldiers become tongue-tied and goggle-eyed at the sight of Judith. Holofernes and his servants exclaim: "No other woman from one end of the earth to the other looks so beautiful or speaks so wisely!" (Jdt 11:21). Not only are you beautiful, Holofernes says — but we are stunned that a beautiful woman could also be wise!19
On the fourth night, Holofernes invites Judith to a private banquet. He drinks himself into a stupor. When everyone else has left the tent, Judith takes Holofernes' own sword, prays to God for strength, and beheads him. She puts his head in her food bag, walks calmly out of the camp with her maid, and returns to Bethulia. When the Assyrian army discovers their general's headless body the next morning, they flee in panic. Israel is saved.
It is a stunning story. And it is meant to be.
God Uses the Weak to Confound the Strong. This is the central theological message of Judith, and it resonates powerfully with the rest of Scripture. A single woman — a widow, with no army, no political power, no military training — defeats the most powerful general in the world. This is the same pattern we see throughout the Bible. God uses David, a shepherd boy, to defeat Goliath. God uses Gideon's three hundred men to rout the Midianite army. God uses Jael, a tent-dwelling woman, to kill the Canaanite general Sisera by driving a tent peg through his skull (Judg 4:21). And God uses Judith, a widow, to behead Holofernes.
The apostle Paul articulates this principle explicitly: "But God chose what is foolish in the world to shame the wise; God chose what is weak in the world to shame the strong" (1 Cor 1:27). Judith is a living embodiment of this theology. Her very name — Yehudit (יְהוּדִית) — means "Jewess." She is, as Law observes, a prototypical character representing all of Israel: the weak and vulnerable people of God, who are nevertheless invincible when they trust in Him.20
Key Point: The name "Judith" (Yehudit) literally means "Jewess." The author may have intentionally used Judith as a representative figure for the entire Jewish nation — weak and vulnerable in the face of overwhelming military power, but ultimately victorious through faith in God. This literary device makes the book's theological message universal: God always delivers His people when they trust in Him.
The Courage of Faith. Judith's courage is not reckless bravado. It is grounded in a deep and disciplined faith. She prays constantly. She observes the Jewish dietary laws even while living in the enemy camp. She fasts. And before she strikes the fatal blow, she prays: "Give to me, a widow, the strong hand to do what I plan. By the deceit of my lips strike down the slave with the prince and the prince with his servant; crush their arrogance by the hand of a woman" (Jdt 9:9–10). Judith understands that her strength comes from God, not from herself.
The Danger of Testing God. Judith's rebuke of the town elders is one of the most theologically sophisticated passages in the book. The elders have essentially given God an ultimatum: act within five days, or we surrender. Judith responds that this is not faith but presumption. "Who are you to put God to the test?" she asks. "You cannot plumb the depths of the human heart or understand the workings of the human mind; how then can you search out God, who made all these things, and find out his mind or comprehend his thought?" (Jdt 8:13–14). This is a profound statement about the sovereignty of God — a God who cannot be manipulated, controlled, or given deadlines.
A Deuteronomistic Theme. Running beneath the surface of Judith is the classic Deuteronomistic pattern: Israel sins, God punishes, Israel repents, God delivers. The Israelites were punished because of disobedience, but they may be saved through obedience and faith. Judith embodies the obedience and faith that opens the door for God's deliverance. As Law notes, there is also a message about the consequences of moral failure — Holofernes' lust and drunkenness are the very instruments of his destruction.21
Now we must address the elephant in the room. The book of Judith opens with a statement that has puzzled readers for centuries: "It was the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, who ruled over the Assyrians in the great city of Nineveh" (Jdt 1:1). The problem is obvious: Nebuchadnezzar was king of Babylon, not Assyria. And Nineveh was destroyed in 612 BC, before Nebuchadnezzar even came to the throne. This is not a minor geographical slip — it is a glaring historical impossibility.
How should we understand this? Scholars have debated this question for centuries, and several explanations have been offered. Let me present the main ones fairly.
Option 1: Deliberate Literary Device. The majority of modern scholars — including both Catholic and Protestant scholars — believe that the anachronism is intentional. The author is not confused about ancient Near Eastern history. He is deliberately using a recognizable literary device: placing the story in a clearly fictional historical setting to signal that the narrative is meant to be read as theological literature, not as a strict historical chronicle. Timothy Michael Law puts it well: the "facts" are presented to give the story a semblance of real-world authenticity, but the explicit violation of historical knowledge lifts the story's message outside time and place. He compares it to imagining Henry VIII as the king of France in a modern work of historical fiction — a signal to the reader that the story operates on a level beyond mere historical reportage.22
This reading has strong support. Ancient Jewish authors were not naive about history. They had access to the same traditions about Nebuchadnezzar and Assyria that we do. The opening line of Judith is so conspicuously "wrong" that it must be intentional — a literary signal to the reader, much like the opening of a parable.
Option 2: Symbolic or Composite Figures. Some scholars have suggested that "Nebuchadnezzar" in Judith is not the historical Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon but a composite figure representing all the great enemies of Israel — Assyria, Babylon, and Persia rolled into one. On this reading, the author is using "Nebuchadnezzar" as a kind of archetype for the archetypal pagan oppressor, just as "Pharaoh" can function as an archetype in later Jewish literature.
Option 3: A Lost Historical Context. A minority of scholars have suggested that the events of Judith may be loosely based on a historical incident from the Persian or early Hellenistic period that has been clothed in Assyrian-era dress. On this reading, "Nebuchadnezzar" may be a code name for a later ruler — perhaps an early Seleucid or Persian king. The Maccabean setting (second century BC) is plausible as the book's date of composition, and the story may reflect the experience of Jewish communities facing Hellenistic military threats.
Addressing the Objection Honestly: The identification of "Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Assyrians" is the most commonly cited difficulty in Judith. I want to be honest: this is a genuine puzzle. But the most likely explanation — that it is a deliberate literary device signaling that the story operates on a theological rather than a strictly historical level — is consistent with how ancient Jewish authors wrote and how ancient readers read. If we accept Jonah (with its talking fish and repentant Nineveh) as canonical, we can certainly accept Judith (with its anachronistic Nebuchadnezzar) on the same terms. Genre matters.
I want to be completely fair here. The historical difficulties in Judith are real, and I do not want to minimize them. But I also want to point out that these difficulties have never prevented the church from receiving Judith as Scripture. The early church fathers — who were far closer to the ancient literary conventions than we are — had no difficulty with Judith's historical setting. They understood intuitively what we sometimes struggle to grasp: that a text can be divinely inspired and theologically true without being a modern-style historical chronicle in every detail.
And here is a point that Protestants sometimes miss: if we reject a book from the canon because it contains historical difficulties, we set a precedent that could undermine the canonicity of other biblical books as well. The book of Daniel — which all Protestants accept as canonical — has been subjected to similar historical critiques by critical scholars. If we insist that every canonical book must pass the test of modern historical criticism without any difficulties, we may find that the canon we are left with is much smaller than we intended.
The early church loved the book of Judith. Clement of Rome (c. AD 96) — writing within the lifetime of the apostle John — held up Judith alongside Esther as an example of a godly woman through whom God worked great deliverance.23 This is enormously significant. Clement places Judith and Esther on the same level — both are exemplars of faith, both are instruments of divine deliverance. Clement shows no awareness of any distinction between "canonical" and "non-canonical" books.
Tertullian (c. AD 155–240) offered Judith alongside Susanna as examples of godly women, and he treated Judith as fully authoritative.24 Ambrose of Milan examined the virtue of Judith among other biblical characters in his treatise on the duties of the clergy.25 John Chrysostom referenced Judith alongside Deborah and other biblical women in his homilies.26 Gregory of Nazianzus quoted Judith 5:6 as the words of "Scripture."27 Athanasius referenced "Blessed" Judith as an example to be followed alongside "Blessed" Esther.28 Basil the Great cited Judith 9:5 alongside Hebrews and John.29 Didymus the Blind pointed to Judith as an "Old Testament" example of faithful widowhood.30 And Sulpitius Severus included Judith in "Sacred History."31
The patristic testimony is overwhelming. These writers did not treat Judith as a nice but non-canonical story. They treated it as Scripture — and they used it to teach, to inspire, and to defend the faith.
Even Jerome — who is often cited by Protestants as a witness against the deuterocanon — included Judith in his Vulgate translation and acknowledged that "the Council of Nicaea reckoned it among the Holy Scriptures."32 Jerome's own practice contradicted his theoretical preference for the Hebrew canon. As we will see in Chapter 27, Jerome's practice of quoting and translating the deuterocanonical books is far more significant than his occasional disclaimers about them.
Before we leave Judith, I want to note one more theological dimension that the early church saw in this book. Many of the church fathers read Judith typologically — that is, they saw her as a "type" or foreshadowing of the church. Just as Judith — weak, unarmed, a woman — defeated the mighty Holofernes through faith and courage, so the church — weak, persecuted, despised by the powers of the world — defeats the forces of evil through faith in Christ. The victory does not come through military power or political strength. It comes through the weakness that God uses to shame the strong (1 Cor 1:27).
This typological reading is not fanciful. It is grounded in the text itself. Judith's prayer before the decisive moment is a prayer of dependence on God: "O God, O my God, hear me also — a widow... For your strength does not depend on numbers, nor your might on the powerful. But you are the God of the lowly, helper of the oppressed, upholder of the weak, protector of the forsaken, savior of those without hope" (Jdt 9:11–12). This is the theology of the cross — the theology of a God who works through weakness, not strength. It is no wonder that the church has treasured this book for two millennia.
The book of Baruch is perhaps the least well-known of the three books we are examining in this chapter — but in some ways, it is the most theologically significant. It is a short prophetic and liturgical work attributed to Baruch son of Neriah, the faithful scribe and companion of the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 32:12–16; 36:1–32; 45:1).
The association between Baruch and Jeremiah is ancient and deep. In the canonical book of Jeremiah, Baruch appears as Jeremiah's secretary and most trusted companion. He writes down Jeremiah's oracles. He carries Jeremiah's messages. He suffers alongside Jeremiah during the siege of Jerusalem. After the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC, Baruch accompanies Jeremiah to Egypt. The relationship between the two men is so close that in the early church, the books of Jeremiah and Baruch were often combined in a single scroll — a practice that goes back to the Jewish Septuagint manuscripts themselves.33
The book of Baruch as we have it is relatively short — six chapters in most modern editions (though the sixth chapter, the "Letter of Jeremiah," is sometimes treated as a separate work). It is set in Babylon during the exile and addresses the community of Jewish exiles, calling them to repentance, confession, and renewed hope in God's promises.
The book of Baruch has four major sections, each with its own literary style and theological emphasis.
Section 1: The Historical Introduction (1:1–14). The book opens by identifying itself as the work of "Baruch son of Neriah son of Mahseiah" and setting the scene: it is the fifth year after the Babylonians destroyed Jerusalem and burned the Temple. Baruch reads the book aloud to King Jeconiah (Jehoiachin) and the exiled community in Babylon. The exiles respond by weeping, fasting, and praying. They take up a collection to send to Jerusalem, along with the book itself and the sacred vessels that had been carried off by the Babylonians.
Section 2: The Confession and Prayer (1:15–3:8). This section is a beautiful communal prayer of confession and petition. The exiles acknowledge that their suffering is God's just punishment for their sins and the sins of their ancestors. They confess that they have not obeyed the voice of the Lord their God. And they plead for God's mercy: "For you are the Lord our God, and it is you, O Lord, whom we will praise. For you have put the fear of you in our hearts so that we would call upon your name" (3:6–7). The language and theology of this prayer closely parallel the great confessional prayers found in Daniel 9 and Nehemiah 9 — both of which are accepted as canonical by all Christians.
Section 3: The Wisdom Poem (3:9–4:4). This is the theological heart of the book — and it contains the passage that is most important for our purposes. It is a magnificent poem about divine Wisdom that asks the question: "Where is Wisdom to be found?" The answer is that Wisdom is not found among the nations, not among the merchants of the world, not among the mighty — but only with God, who gave Wisdom to Israel through the Law. The poem reaches its climax in a stunning declaration that we will examine in detail below.
Section 4: The Oracle of Consolation (4:5–5:9). The final section shifts from confession and wisdom to prophetic consolation. Jerusalem itself is personified as a mother who speaks to her exiled children, encouraging them to take heart because God will bring them home. The language echoes Isaiah 40–55 — the great prophetic promises of restoration and return. "Take courage, my children, cry to God, and he will deliver you from the power and hand of the enemy" (4:21). The book ends on a note of triumphant hope: "For God will lead Israel with joy, in the light of his glory, with the mercy and righteousness that come from him" (5:9).
Most scholars date the composition of Baruch to the second century BC, though some place it earlier. The attribution to Baruch son of Neriah — Jeremiah's scribe — is generally understood as a literary convention common in ancient Near Eastern literature. Just as the Wisdom of Solomon is attributed to Solomon even though it was composed centuries after Solomon's death, so Baruch is attributed to Jeremiah's scribe as a way of connecting the book to the Jeremianic prophetic tradition.
This practice of pseudonymous attribution was common and accepted in the ancient world. It did not carry the same connotation of "forgery" that it might in a modern context. Rather, it was a way of saying: "This book stands in the same prophetic tradition as Jeremiah and his scribe Baruch. It speaks with the same prophetic voice." The early church understood this convention and was not troubled by it — just as it was not troubled by the pseudonymous attribution of the Wisdom of Solomon to Solomon.
The book was originally composed in Hebrew (at least in part). Jerome noted that he was able to obtain and consult Hebrew and Aramaic texts of several deuterocanonical books from his Jewish contemporaries. The close linguistic and theological parallels between Baruch and the canonical book of Jeremiah suggest that the author was deeply steeped in the Jeremianic tradition and may have had access to Jeremianic materials that did not survive in the canonical book.34
We come now to the most important passage in the book of Baruch — and one of the most remarkable passages in the entire deuterocanonical collection. It is a text that has been used by Christians for nearly two thousand years as a prophecy of the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ. Here is the passage:
"This is our God; no other can be compared to him. He found the whole way to knowledge, and gave her to his servant Jacob and to Israel, whom he loved. Afterward she appeared on earth and lived among men." (Baruch 3:36–38)
Read that last line again: "Afterward she appeared on earth and lived among men." The subject of this sentence is ambiguous in the Greek text — it could refer to Wisdom (the feminine noun that has been the subject of the preceding poem) or to God Himself. But the early church universally read it as a reference to God: "He appeared on earth and lived among men." And they understood it as a prophecy of the incarnation — the moment when the eternal God took on human flesh and "dwelt among us" (John 1:14).
Key Text — Baruch 3:36–38: "This is our God; no other can be compared to him. He found the whole way to knowledge, and gave her to his servant Jacob and to Israel, whom he loved. Afterward she appeared on earth and lived among men."
This is one of the most remarkable proto-incarnational texts in the entire Old Testament-era literature. The language — "appeared on earth and lived among men" — anticipates John 1:14 ("the Word became flesh and dwelt among us") with startling precision. The early church universally read this as a prophecy of the incarnation of God in Christ.
Let me unpack the significance of this text carefully.
The poem in Baruch 3:9–4:4 is a sustained meditation on divine Wisdom. The poet asks: where can Wisdom be found? Not among the nations. Not among the great powers of the earth. Not among the merchants or the rulers. Only God knows where Wisdom resides, because God is the one who created all things and who gave Wisdom to Israel through the Law.
The poem builds to a climax in 3:35–38. God is declared to be incomparable — "no other can be compared to him." He is the one who "found the whole way of knowledge" and who gave this knowledge to "Jacob his servant" and "Israel, whom he loved." And then comes the stunning conclusion: "Afterward she appeared on earth and lived among men."
As Gary Michuta observes, the significance of this passage cannot be overstated.35 Even when God was present within the Jerusalem temple, He never showed Himself or lived among men. God was separated from the people by the veil of the Temple. Even on the rare occasions when the High Priest entered the Holy of Holies, he was required to offer incense to prevent himself from seeing God directly — because "no man sees me and lives" (Exod 33:20). Even Moses was permitted only to see God's glory from behind after He had passed (Exod 33:18–23).
But Baruch teaches that the incomparable God of Israel will show Himself upon the earth and live — or "converse" — with men. When did God do this? The only answer that makes theological sense is: in the incarnation, when the Word who was with God and was God "became flesh and dwelt among us" (John 1:14). Baruch is speaking of the incarnation — the moment when God Himself stepped into human history, took on human nature, and walked among His people.36
The verbal parallels between Baruch 3:38 and John 1:14 are striking. Baruch says God "appeared on earth and lived among men" (Greek: epi tēs gēs ōphthē kai en tois anthrōpois sunanestraphē, ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ὤφθη καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις συνανεστράφη). John says the Word "became flesh and dwelt among us" (Greek: sarx egeneto kai eskēnōsen en hēmin, σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν). Both texts speak of God coming to earth. Both texts speak of God living or dwelling among human beings. The conceptual parallel is unmistakable.
Now, I want to be honest about a potential objection. Some interpreters argue that the subject of "appeared on earth" in Baruch 3:38 is Wisdom (sophia, σοφία), not God. On this reading, the passage says that divine Wisdom — personified as a feminine figure throughout the poem — appeared on earth in the form of the Torah, the Law of Moses. This reading has some support in the immediate context, since the very next verse says: "She is the book of the commandments of God, the law that endures forever" (Bar 4:1).
This is a fair reading, and I want to acknowledge it honestly. But there are strong reasons to prefer the incarnational interpretation — or at least to see both meanings as present in the text.
First, the identification of Wisdom with the Law does not exclude the identification of Wisdom with Christ. In the New Testament, Jesus is explicitly identified as "the wisdom of God" (1 Cor 1:24, 30). If Wisdom "appeared on earth and lived among men," and if Jesus is the Wisdom of God, then the incarnation is precisely the fulfillment of what Baruch describes. The two interpretations are not mutually exclusive — they are complementary.
Second, the language of "appearing on earth" and "living among men" goes far beyond what can be said of the Torah. The Torah was given at Sinai. But did the Torah "appear on earth and live among men"? This is strained language for describing the giving of a written law. It is, however, perfectly natural language for describing the incarnation — a divine person who literally appeared on earth and lived among human beings.
Third — and this is the decisive argument — the early church universally and consistently read Baruch 3:36–38 as a prophecy of the incarnation. This was not a marginal or disputed interpretation. It was the standard Christian reading of the text, attested by a remarkable range of church fathers across multiple centuries and geographical regions.
The early church's use of Baruch 3:36–38 as a proof text for the incarnation is one of the most impressive testimonies to the deuterocanon's authority in all of patristic literature. The sheer number of church fathers who appealed to this text — and the doctrinal weight they placed upon it — is extraordinary. Let me survey the evidence.
Athenagoras (c. AD 133–190), one of the earliest Christian apologists, cited Baruch alongside Isaiah in his defense of the Christian faith.37
Irenaeus of Lyon (c. AD 130–202) twice quoted Baruch as the words of "the prophet Jeremiah," treating the book as fully prophetic Scripture.38 This is significant because Irenaeus was a disciple of Polycarp, who was a disciple of the apostle John. Irenaeus's acceptance of Baruch as Scripture thus has roots in the apostolic tradition itself.
Cyprian of Carthage (c. AD 200–258) quoted Baruch 3:35–37 as one of the testimonies — alongside Old Testament prophecies — demonstrating that Christ is God incarnate.39
Hippolytus of Rome (c. AD 170–235) explicitly referred to Baruch as "Scripture" in his treatise Against Noetus, using Baruch 3:36 as a proof text for the incarnation.40
Athanasius (c. AD 296–373) — the great champion of Trinitarian orthodoxy at the Council of Nicaea — cited Baruch alongside Colossians, Matthew, John, Romans, and Hebrews in his Four Discourses Against the Arians. He treated Baruch as having the same authority as the New Testament books he cited alongside it.41
Cyril of Jerusalem (c. AD 313–386) quoted Baruch 3:37–38 alongside Hebrews in his Catechetical Lectures to demonstrate the deity of Christ.42
Hilary of Poitiers (c. AD 300–368) cited Baruch 3:33–38 in his great work On the Trinity as proof that Christ is "God visible in human form."43
Gregory of Nazianzus (c. AD 329–390) — one of the Cappadocian fathers — quoted Baruch 3:36–38 in his Fourth Theological Oration to refute the Arian claim that the Father alone is "the only God." Gregory argued that Baruch proves the Son is also called "our God" — "this is our God; no other can be compared to him" — and that this God is the one who "appeared on earth and lived among men." Gregory used Baruch to establish the full deity of Christ.44
Amphilochius of Iconium (c. AD 340–394) quoted Baruch 3:38 as "the prophet's voice" — a prophecy of Christ.45
Didymus the Blind (c. AD 313–398) quoted Baruch 3:37 as referring to Christ in two separate places in his Commentary on Zechariah.46
John Cassian (c. AD 360–435) quoted Baruch 3:38 to demonstrate Christ's divinity in his work On the Incarnation. Cassian's words are worth quoting: "If therefore Christ is to be rightly believed as God, then His appearing on earth in human form is what the prophet spoke of: 'Afterward he was seen upon earth and conversed with men.'"47
Cyril of Alexandria (c. AD 376–444) — one of the most important Christological theologians in church history — quoted Baruch 3:36–38 as a prophecy of the incarnation in multiple works: his Festal Letters, his Commentary on John, and his Letter 31. In the Commentary on John, Cyril wrote that those who denied Christ's eternal pre-existence "ignorantly and impiously affirmed that the Only-Begotten Word of God... was then first called into being when He was born Man of the Holy Virgin, and taking this our common fashion, 'showed Himself upon earth,' as it is written, 'and conversed with men'" (Baruch 3:38). Cyril called Baruch 3:36–37 "a confession of the true faith."48
Peter Chrysologus (c. AD 380–450) cited Baruch 3:37–38 against heretics to demonstrate the unity and distinction within the Trinity, asking: "Who is this God? He is the One of whom the Prophet states: 'This is our God, and there is no other apart from him.' ... Who else was seen upon earth save Christ, who conversed in our flesh?"49
And even Rufinus of Aquileia (c. AD 345–411) — who is sometimes cited by Protestants as a witness against the full canonicity of the deuterocanon — quoted Baruch 3:36–38 as "the prophet foretold..." in his Commentary on the Symbol of the Apostles.50
The Weight of the Evidence: The list of church fathers who used Baruch 3:36–38 as a proof text for the incarnation reads like a who's who of early Christian theology: Athenagoras, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Hippolytus, Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Hilary of Poitiers, Gregory of Nazianzus, Amphilochius, Didymus the Blind, John Cassian, Cyril of Alexandria, Peter Chrysologus, and Rufinus. These theologians used Baruch to defend the deity of Christ against Arians, to articulate the doctrine of the incarnation, and to establish the full divinity and humanity of Jesus. Can a merely human, non-inspired book bear that kind of doctrinal weight?
The significance of this patristic evidence cannot be overstated. These are not obscure or marginal figures. They include the architects of Nicene orthodoxy (Athanasius), the formulators of Chalcedonian Christology (Cyril of Alexandria), and some of the greatest preachers and teachers in the history of the church (Gregory of Nazianzus, John Chrysostom, Hilary of Poitiers). And they all — without exception — treated Baruch as prophetic Scripture, capable of bearing the full weight of the church's most important doctrinal claims.
Think about what this means. These church fathers used Baruch 3:36–38 to defend the divinity of Christ — the central doctrine of the Christian faith. They put Baruch alongside Isaiah, alongside Hebrews, alongside John, alongside Colossians, and expected it to carry the same authority. If Baruch is merely human apocrypha — if it is "not of divine inspiration" and "of no authority in the Church of God," as the Westminster Confession claims — then the church fathers were building their Christology on sand. I do not believe they were.
We should also note the broader theological connection between Baruch's Wisdom poem and the Logos theology of the Gospel of John. In Baruch 3:9–4:4, divine Wisdom is described as being with God from the beginning, as the agent through whom God created and ordered the world, and as finally "appearing on earth and living among men." In John 1:1–14, the Logos (Word) is described as being "with God" and being "God" from the beginning, as the agent through whom "all things were made," and as finally becoming "flesh" and dwelling "among us."
The structural and conceptual parallels are remarkable. As we explored in Chapter 22, the personification of divine Wisdom in Sirach 24 provides one of the key backgrounds for John's Logos theology. But Baruch 3:36–38 adds a crucial element that is not found in Sirach: the idea that this divine Wisdom actually "appeared on earth and lived among men." This is the incarnational note — the moment when the abstract concept of divine Wisdom becomes concrete and embodied. And it is precisely this incarnational note that John's Prologue develops into its full Christological expression.
I am not claiming that John was directly quoting Baruch when he wrote the Prologue. But I am saying that John was writing within a theological tradition — a tradition of reflecting on divine Wisdom, a tradition that included Proverbs 8, Sirach 24, Wisdom of Solomon 7–9, and Baruch 3 — and that this tradition shaped the language and concepts he used to express the mystery of the incarnation. Baruch 3:36–38 is one of the threads in the tapestry from which John wove his magnificent Prologue. And that makes Baruch a book of extraordinary theological significance.
Several early Protestant Bibles, it should be noted, actually cross-referenced John 1:14 with Baruch 3:38 — an acknowledgment, by the Reformers themselves, that the connection between the two texts was too obvious to ignore.51
While Baruch 3:36–38 is the book's most celebrated passage, we should not neglect the rest of the book. The communal prayer of confession in Baruch 1:15–3:8 is one of the most powerful prayers in all of biblical literature. It echoes and expands upon the great confessional prayers of Daniel 9 and Nehemiah 9. The exiles acknowledge that their suffering is the consequence of their unfaithfulness to the covenant — but they also appeal to God's mercy and covenant faithfulness.
The oracle of consolation in Baruch 4:5–5:9 is equally beautiful. Jerusalem, personified as a grieving mother, calls to her exiled children: "Take courage, my children, cry to God, and he will deliver you from the power and hand of the enemy" (4:21). The book ends with a vision of restoration that echoes the great prophetic promises of Isaiah: "Arise, O Jerusalem, stand upon the height; look toward the east, and see your children gathered from west and east at the word of the Holy One, rejoicing that God has remembered them" (5:5).
This is magnificent prophetic literature. It breathes the same air as Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the Psalms. It speaks to the deepest longings of God's people — the longing for forgiveness, for restoration, for the presence of God among His people. And it culminates in the extraordinary promise that God Himself will one day "appear on earth and live among men." If this is not inspired Scripture, it is a remarkable imitation of it.
The sixth chapter of Baruch — sometimes treated as a separate work called "The Letter of Jeremiah" — is a powerful polemic against idolatry. Attributed to Jeremiah, it is a letter supposedly written to the exiles in Babylon, warning them not to worship the idols they will encounter in their new surroundings.
The letter describes the idol gods in vivid and often satirical terms. They are made of wood overlaid with gold and silver. They cannot speak, see, hear, or move. They are carried by their worshipers rather than carrying them. They cannot save themselves from rust, moths, or thieves. The refrain that runs through the letter is devastating in its simplicity: "From this it is evident that they are not gods; so do not fear them" (Bar 6:16, 23, 29, 40, 44, 52, 56, 65, 69).
The theological resonance with canonical Scripture is unmistakable. The prophets of Israel — especially Isaiah (44:9–20), Jeremiah (10:1–16), and the Psalmist (115:4–8; 135:15–18) — repeatedly mock the idols of the nations in exactly this way. The Letter of Jeremiah stands squarely within this prophetic tradition. It is, in fact, an extended elaboration of the very argument that Jeremiah himself makes in Jeremiah 10.
A fragment of the Letter of Jeremiah in Greek was found among the Dead Sea Scrolls (7Q2), dating to approximately 100 BC. This is significant because it demonstrates that the Letter was in circulation in Palestine in the pre-Christian period and was valued by the Qumran community alongside the other scriptural texts they preserved.52
One of the most interesting pieces of evidence for the early status of Baruch comes from its relationship to the canon of Jeremiah. As Gary Michuta notes, the books of Jeremiah and Baruch became so closely associated in the early church that Baruch was sometimes combined with Jeremiah on the same scroll. This practice goes back to the Jewish Septuagint manuscripts themselves.53 Martin Hengel has documented this practice in detail, noting that the association of Baruch with Jeremiah in the Septuagint tradition suggests that Jewish readers in the pre-Christian period treated Baruch as an integral part of the Jeremianic corpus.
Epiphanius of Salamis (c. AD 310–403) attests that the Jewish Scriptures included Baruch among the canonical books. He also claims that the Jews "have" two more books of disputed authority — Wisdom and Sirach — which suggests that even in the late fourth century, some Jewish communities still preserved a wider collection of scriptural books than the rabbinic canon allowed.54
This evidence is significant because it challenges the common Protestant assumption that the deuterocanonical books were never part of the Jewish canon. The reality is more complex. Different Jewish communities at different times and places had different collections of authoritative books. The narrowing of the Jewish canon to the 22 (or 24) books of the rabbinic Bible was a process that occurred over time — and it was a process driven in part, as we argued in Chapter 12, by the desire of the rabbinic establishment to distance itself from the books that Christians were using to support their claims about Jesus.
Tobit, Judith, and Baruch are very different books. Tobit is a gentle story of faith and healing. Judith is a bold narrative of courage and deliverance. Baruch is a prophetic and liturgical work of confession, wisdom, and consolation. They span different genres, different settings, and different literary styles.
But beneath their differences, they share a profound common vision. All three books are about God's faithfulness to His people in exile. All three books testify that God does not abandon His people — even when they are far from home, even when they are suffering, even when everything seems hopeless. Tobit shows us that God sends angels to heal the faithful. Judith shows us that God uses the weak to defeat the strong. Baruch shows us that God Himself will one day appear on earth and live among His people.
And that is exactly what God did. In the fullness of time, God sent His Son — born of a woman, born under the Law — to redeem those who were under the Law (Gal 4:4–5). The Word became flesh and dwelt among us (John 1:14). God appeared on earth and lived among men (Bar 3:38).
The early church understood this. They read Tobit and saw in it the theology of divine providence that Paul would later articulate in Romans 8. They read Judith and saw in it the theology of divine power working through weakness that Paul would later articulate in 1 Corinthians 1. They read Baruch and saw in it the very prophecy of the incarnation that John would later narrate in his Gospel.
These books were not added to the Bible by the Catholic Church at the Council of Trent. They were part of the Bible that built the church. They were read, preached, quoted, and treasured by the church fathers from the very beginning. And when we remove them from our Bibles — as Protestants have done since the nineteenth century — we lose something precious: we lose the voices of Tobit's faith, Judith's courage, and Baruch's prophetic witness to the God who would one day walk among us.
I believe we should listen to those voices again.
1 All quotations from Tobit follow the NRSV translation of the longer Greek text (Sinaiticus). For the text of Tobit, see Bruce M. Metzger, "The Book of Tobit," in An Introduction to the Apocrypha (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), 31–41. ↩
2 Gary G. Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger: The Untold History of the Bible, rev. 2nd ed. (El Cajon, CA: Catholic Answers, 2017), chap. 2, "The New Testament and the Deuterocanon," under the discussion of Revelation 8:2 and Tobit 12:15. ↩
3 Tobit 12:8–9 (NRSV). ↩
4 Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 2, "The New Testament and the Deuterocanon," under the discussion of Luke 14:13 and Tobit 4:7. ↩
5 Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 2, "The New Testament and the Deuterocanon," under the discussion of Luke 6:31 and Tobit 4:15. ↩
6 Gary G. Michuta, The Case for the Deuterocanon: Evidence and Arguments, 2nd ed. (2017), chap. 3, "Category C — Unqualified Quotation with Protocanon," entry 3: "Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians, 10, 1–3, quoted Tobit 4:10, 12:9 with 1 Peter and Isaiah." ↩
7 Cyprian of Carthage, On Works and Almsgiving, 5. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," for the full context of Cyprian's extensive quotation of Tobit 12:8–9 and 12:12–15. ↩
8 Timothy Michael Law, When God Spoke Greek: The Septuagint and the Making of the Christian Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 64–65. See also David deSilva, Introducing the Apocrypha: Message, Context, and Significance (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2002), 68–69. ↩
9 S. Douglas Woodward, Rebooting the Bible: Exposing the Second Century Conspiracy to Corrupt the Scripture and Alter Biblical Chronology (Oklahoma City: Faith Happens, 2018), chap. 1, "The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Septuagint." Woodward notes that Tobit, Ben Sira (Sirach), and the Letter of Jeremiah were all found among the Dead Sea Scrolls alongside the protocanonical books. ↩
10 Jerome, Preface to Tobit. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 4, "The Deuterocanonical Books and the Jewish Bible," where Jerome's preface is discussed. Jerome states: "I do not cease to wonder at the constancy of your demanding. For you demand that I bring a book written in Chaldean words into Latin writing." ↩
11 David deSilva, Introducing the Apocrypha: Message, Context, and Significance (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2002), 68–87. DeSilva provides a thorough discussion of the genre of Tobit as religious novella. ↩
12 Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 3. ↩
13 Clement of Rome, 1 Clement 55:2–6. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 2. ↩
14 Cyprian, On Works and Almsgiving, 5. Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C." ↩
15 Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 28: "Athanasius, Defense of Constantius, 17, quoted Tobit 4:18 and Matthew." ↩
16 Hilary of Poitiers, Tractate on Psalm 129, 7. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 54. ↩
17 Didymus the Blind, Commentary on Zechariah 7:5–7 and 9:14–15. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 50. ↩
18 Sulpitius Severus, Sacred History, 1, 49. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 97. ↩
19 Timothy Michael Law, When God Spoke Greek, 64–65. ↩
20 Law, When God Spoke Greek, 65. ↩
21 Law, When God Spoke Greek, 64–65. ↩
22 Law, When God Spoke Greek, 64. Law compares Judith's anachronistic historical setting to imagining Henry VIII as the king of France in modern historical fiction — a signal that the narrative operates on a theological rather than strictly historical level. ↩
23 Clement of Rome, 1 Clement 55:2–6. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 2. ↩
24 Tertullian, On Monogamy, 17. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 9. See also Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 4, on Tertullian's use of the deuterocanon. ↩
25 Ambrose, On the Duties of the Clergy, 3, 13. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 46. ↩
26 John Chrysostom, Homily on John 61, 4. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 44. ↩
27 Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 45, 15. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 46. ↩
28 Athanasius, Festal Letter 4, 2. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 29. ↩
29 Basil the Great, On the Holy Spirit, 18. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 30. ↩
30 Didymus the Blind, Commentary on Zechariah 8:4–5. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 50. ↩
31 Sulpitius Severus, Sacred History, 2, 14. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 97. ↩
32 Jerome, Preface to the Book of Judith. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 4, "The Deuterocanonical Books and the Jewish Bible." Jerome states: "The Jews count this book among the apocrypha... But as the Council of Nicaea reckoned it among the Holy Scriptures, I have yielded to your invitation." ↩
33 Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 4, on Irenaeus's treatment of Baruch as part of the Jeremianic corpus. See also Martin Hengel, The Septuagint as Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and the Problem of Its Canon (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2002), 113–14, esp. 114 n. 31. ↩
34 David deSilva, Introducing the Apocrypha, 198–212. DeSilva provides a thorough discussion of the date, authorship, and literary character of Baruch. ↩
35 Gary G. Michuta, The Case for the Deuterocanon: Evidence and Arguments, 2nd ed. (2017), chap. 2, "Prophetic Texts," under "Prophecy of the Incarnation." ↩
36 Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 2, "Prophetic Texts," under "Prophecy of the Incarnation": "Baruch teaches that the incomparable God of Israel will show Himself upon the Earth and live (converse) with men. When did God do this? Surely, Baruch is speaking of the incarnation, when the Word, Who was with God and was God, 'became flesh and dwelt among us' (John 1:14)." ↩
37 Athenagoras, Plea for Christians, 9. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 5. ↩
38 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, 4, 38, 1 and 5, 35, 1. See Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 4: "Irenaeus twice quotes Baruch as the words of the prophet Jeremiah." ↩
39 Cyprian, Treatise 12, 2, 6. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 2, "Prophetic Texts," under "Prophecy of the Incarnation." ↩
40 Hippolytus, Against Noetus, 2. See Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 4: "In his treatise Against Noetus, he explicitly refers to the book of Baruch as 'Scripture.'" ↩
41 Athanasius, Four Discourses Against the Arians, 1, 12. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 28. ↩
42 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lectures, 11, 15. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category C," entry 30 (under Cyril of Jerusalem). ↩
43 Hilary of Poitiers, On the Trinity, 4, 42. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 53. ↩
44 Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 30, 13. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 58: Gregory quoted Baruch 3:36–38 to refute the use of John 17:3 and 1 Timothy 1:17 to prove the Father is the "only God." Baruch shows the Son is also called "our God." ↩
45 Amphilochius of Iconium, Oration I. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 62. ↩
46 Didymus the Blind, Commentary on Zechariah 3:6–7 and 8:23. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 50. ↩
47 John Cassian, On the Incarnation, 4, 13. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 122. ↩
48 Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on John, 1, 1; Festal Letter 4; Festal Letter 10; Letter 31. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entries 123–129. ↩
49 Peter Chrysologus, Sermon 88. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 130. ↩
50 Rufinus, Commentary on the Symbol of the Apostles, 5. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 3, "Category B," entry 91. ↩
51 Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 2, "Prophetic Texts," under "Prophecy of the Incarnation." Michuta notes that several early Protestant Bibles cross-referenced John 1:14 and Baruch 3:38. ↩
52 Woodward, Rebooting the Bible, chap. 1, "The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Septuagint." See also the discussion of 7Q2 (Letter of Jeremiah = Baruch 6) in the context of the Qumran biblical manuscripts. ↩
53 Michuta, Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger, chap. 4. See also Hengel, The Septuagint as Christian Scripture, 113–14, n. 31. ↩
54 Epiphanius, Panarion, Section 1. See Michuta, Case for the Deuterocanon, chap. 4, "The Deuterocanonical Books and the Jewish Bible." ↩
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Hengel, Martin. The Septuagint as Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and the Problem of Its Canon. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2002.
Law, Timothy Michael. When God Spoke Greek: The Septuagint and the Making of the Christian Bible. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.
Metzger, Bruce M. An Introduction to the Apocrypha. New York: Oxford University Press, 1957.
Michuta, Gary G. The Case for the Deuterocanon: Evidence and Arguments. 2nd ed. 2017.
Michuta, Gary G. Why Catholic Bibles Are Bigger: The Untold History of the Bible. Rev. 2nd ed. El Cajon, CA: Catholic Answers, 2017.
Otzen, Benedikt. Tobit and Judith. London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002.
Woodward, S. Douglas. Rebooting the Bible: Exposing the Second Century Conspiracy to Corrupt the Scripture and Alter Biblical Chronology. Oklahoma City: Faith Happens, 2018.