In the previous two chapters, we explored the divine presence model of hell through the work of two Western thinkers. In Chapter 23A, we examined R. Zachary Manis's careful philosophical framework, which argues that hell is best understood as the experience of God's full, unshielded presence by those who are not rightly related to Him. In Chapter 23B, we looked at Sharon Baker's powerful treatment of biblical fire motifs and her argument that the fire of judgment is God—His very presence, burning away evil and purifying what remains. Both of these thinkers made strong cases. But in this chapter, we turn to something older, deeper, and in many ways more striking: the Eastern Orthodox patristic tradition, which has held this understanding of hell for well over a thousand years.
I want to be clear about what we are doing here. I am not Eastern Orthodox. I am an evangelical Protestant, and I do not adopt the Orthodox tradition wholesale. But I have become convinced that on this particular question—the nature of hell and its relationship to God's love—the Eastern Christian tradition has preserved something profoundly important that the Western church has largely lost. And the single most influential text bringing this tradition to the attention of English-speaking Christians is a remarkable essay by a Greek Orthodox lay theologian named Alexandre Kalomiros, titled simply "The River of Fire."1
This chapter's thesis is straightforward but far-reaching: The Eastern Orthodox theological tradition, rooted in the Greek-speaking Church Fathers and preserved especially in writers like Kalomiros, Isaac of Nineveh (also known as Isaac the Syrian), and the hesychast tradition, provides a profound and ancient witness to the understanding that hell is not a place of God's absence or a punishment inflicted by a wrathful deity, but the experience of God's unchanging, all-encompassing love by those who have rejected it—and this tradition corrects the Western theological distortions that have obscured the true nature of God and judgment.
This is not a minor theological footnote. It changes everything about how we think about God, about judgment, about the afterlife, and—as I will argue at the end of this chapter—about whether God's love continues to pursue the dead after they have left this world.
Key Point: The Eastern Orthodox tradition teaches that hell is not a place where God is absent, nor a torture chamber designed by an angry God. Rather, hell is what happens when God's unchanging love—the same love that makes heaven heavenly—is experienced by people who have made themselves unable to receive it. Heaven and hell share a common source: the love of God.
Alexandre Kalomiros delivered his essay "The River of Fire" at an Orthodox conference in Seattle, Washington, in 1980. It was not a long essay, but its impact has been enormous. Kalomiros made a bold and devastating argument: that Western Christianity—both Roman Catholic and Protestant—had committed what he called a "slander" against God by turning Him into a God of retributive wrath and punishment, and that this distortion was the root cause of modern atheism.2
Now, that is a strong claim, and I want to present it fairly before we evaluate it. Kalomiros argued that the God of Western theology—the God inherited from Augustine, refined by Anselm, and systematized by Aquinas and the Protestant Reformers—is fundamentally a God who is offended by sin and demands satisfaction. In this view, God's primary posture toward sinners is one of wrath, and His justice requires punishment. Unless that punishment is redirected toward Christ (in the Protestant view) or satisfied through penance and purgatory (in the Catholic view), it will fall on the sinner forever in hell. Kalomiros believed this picture of God was profoundly wrong—not just slightly off, but a radical distortion of the biblical witness.3
Why does this matter? Because, Kalomiros argued, you cannot love a God who is fundamentally a torturer. You can fear such a God. You can obey Him out of terror. But you cannot genuinely love Him the way a child loves a father. And when people finally realized they did not have to fear this God—when the Enlightenment offered them an alternative—they rejected Him. Atheism, in Kalomiros's telling, was not a rejection of the true God. It was a rejection of a false God—a caricature that Western theology had been painting for centuries.4
Thomas Talbott, writing from a very different theological perspective, noticed the same thing. He described how reading the mainstream of Western theology—including the great Reformers—left him deeply disturbed. He found in them a God who, though supposedly gracious to some, refused to will the good for others. He could not imagine his own parents refusing to will the good for anyone, and he struggled to worship a God who was less loving than his own mother and father.5 Kalomiros and Talbott were pointing at the same problem from opposite ends of the theological spectrum: something had gone wrong in the way the Western church talked about God.
I want to be careful here. I do not think everything in Western theology is wrong. I am a product of Western evangelical theology, and I believe there is much good in it. The Reformers recovered essential truths about grace, faith, and Scripture. Augustine was a brilliant theologian who contributed enormously to our understanding of the faith. But on this particular point—the nature of God's wrath and its relationship to hell—I believe the Eastern tradition has preserved an insight that the West badly needs to hear. We can learn from the East without abandoning our own heritage.
One of Kalomiros's most important arguments concerns the meaning of divine justice. In the Western theological tradition, God's justice has typically been understood in legal or forensic terms. God is the righteous Judge who must punish sin. His justice demands a balance—sin must be "paid for," either by the sinner or by a substitute. This legal framework has dominated Western discussions of the atonement and of hell since at least the time of Anselm's Cur Deus Homo in the eleventh century.
But Kalomiros argued that this understanding of justice is not what the Bible actually teaches. He pointed to the Hebrew word tsedaka (צְדָקָה)—the word most commonly translated "justice" or "righteousness" in the Old Testament—and showed that in its biblical context, it does not mean retributive balance at all. Rather, tsedaka is "the divine energy which accomplishes man's salvation."6 It is God's saving activity, His work of putting things right—not by punishing offenders, but by restoring and redeeming the broken.
This becomes clear when we see how tsedaka operates in parallel with two other key Hebrew words. The first is hesed (חֶסֶד), which is usually translated "mercy," "lovingkindness," or "steadfast love." This is covenant love—the fierce, loyal, never-letting-go love of God for His people. The second is emeth (אֱמֶת), which means "faithfulness" or "truth." When the Old Testament describes God's character, these three words—tsedaka, hesed, and emeth—appear together as near synonyms, not as competing attributes. God's justice is His love and mercy. They are not two sides of a coin that must be balanced against each other. They are one and the same divine reality.7
Kalomiros supported this reading with a remarkable passage from Isaac of Nineveh, the seventh-century Syrian saint who is perhaps the most important patristic voice for the entire divine presence tradition. Isaac wrote: "How can you call God just when you read the passage on the wage given to the workers? . . . Where, then, is God's justice, for whilst we were sinners, Christ died for us!"8 Isaac's point is devastating in its simplicity. If God's justice means giving people what they deserve, then the gospel itself is unjust—because the gospel is the story of God giving us what we do not deserve. Grace and retributive justice cannot coexist. If God is truly gracious, then His justice must be something other than retribution. It must be restorative. It must be saving. It must be love.
Biblical Insight: The Hebrew word tsedaka (justice/righteousness) does not mean retributive balance. It operates in parallel with hesed (steadfast love) and emeth (faithfulness) as expressions of God's saving character. God's justice is His love in action—not a competing attribute that must be "satisfied" before He can show mercy.
Isaac went further, teaching something that Western Christians rarely hear: "Do not call God just, for His justice is not manifest in the things concerning you."9 What Isaac meant is not that God is unjust, but that God's "justice" is so far beyond our small, retributive understanding of the word that it is misleading to use the same term. When we call God "just" and mean by it "He gives everyone what they deserve," we have profoundly misunderstood Him. What God gives is grace. What God gives is mercy. What God gives is love poured out for sinners who deserve nothing. That is who God is—and it does not change after we die.
One of the most important passages Kalomiros presents comes from Saint Anthony the Great, the fourth-century desert father often called the founder of Christian monasticism. In the Philokalia—one of the most influential collections of spiritual writings in Eastern Christianity—Saint Anthony lays out a principle that is absolutely foundational for the divine presence model. I want to present it carefully, because it may be the single most important patristic text for understanding the Orthodox view of hell.
Anthony wrote that God "neither rejoices nor grows angry, for to rejoice and to be offended are passions." God "is good, and He only bestows blessings and never does harm, remaining always the same." Anthony continued: "We men, on the other hand, if we remain good through resembling God, are united to Him, but if we become evil through not resembling God, we are separated from Him. It is not that He grows angry with us in an arbitrary way, but it is our own sins that prevent God from shining within us and expose us to demons who torture us." And then Anthony offered a stunning analogy: "Thus to say that God turns away from the wicked is like saying that the sun hides itself from the blind."10
Stop and think about that analogy for a moment. It is extraordinarily powerful. The sun does not hide from a blind person. The sun is always shining, always giving light, always warming everything equally. The blindness is in the person, not in the sun. And in the same way, Anthony tells us, God does not "turn away" from sinners. God is always shining. God is always loving. God is always present. The problem is not in God. The problem is in us—in our refusal or inability to receive what God is always giving.
This has enormous implications. If Anthony is right, then God does not change His posture toward anyone—ever. He does not love the saved and hate the lost. He does not shower grace on the living and then withdraw it from the dead. He does not warm the righteous with His presence and then burn the wicked with His wrath. He is always, unchangingly, relentlessly loving. What changes is not God but the person receiving His love. And that changes everything about how we understand hell.
Key Patristic Teaching: Saint Anthony (Philokalia, chap. 150): God "neither rejoices nor grows angry." He "only bestows blessings and never does harm, remaining always the same." The difference between heaven and hell is not a difference in God—it is a difference in us. Saying that God turns away from the wicked is like saying the sun hides itself from the blind.
Kalomiros strengthened his case by showing that the Church Fathers consistently taught that death and suffering are not punishments imposed by God, but natural consequences of separating ourselves from the Source of Life. This is an important distinction. In much of Western theology, death is presented as God's penalty for sin—something God actively inflicts as punishment. But the Eastern tradition sees it differently. Death is what happens when a creature cuts itself off from the One who is Life itself. It is not that God kills the sinner. It is that the sinner, by turning away from Life, experiences the natural consequence of that turning: death.
Saint Basil the Great, the fourth-century Cappadocian Father, wrote: "God did not create death, but we brought it upon ourselves."11 This echoes the Wisdom of Solomon's declaration: "God did not make death, and he does not delight in the death of the living" (Wisdom 1:13). Death is not God's invention. It is ours.
Saint Irenaeus, writing even earlier in the second century, made the same point using an analogy of light and darkness: "Separation from God is death, separation from light is darkness . . . and it is not the light which brings upon them the punishment of blindness."12 Just as darkness is simply the absence of light—not a thing imposed by light—so death is simply the absence of life, not a punishment imposed by the living God.
Saint Maximus the Confessor, one of the greatest theologians in all of Eastern Christianity, put it with beautiful simplicity: "Death is principally the separation from God."13 Not fire. Not torture. Not divine rage. Simply separation from the One who is life. And here is the crucial point: this separation is our doing, not God's. God never separates Himself from us. We separate ourselves from Him.
Kalomiros also cited Saint Anastasius of Sinai on the question of inherited sin and mortality. Anastasius explained that the human race did not inherit guilt from Adam (as Augustine and much of Western theology taught), but rather inherited mortality. "We became the inheritors of the curse in Adam," Anastasius wrote. "We were not punished as if we had disobeyed . . . but because Adam became mortal, he transmitted sin to his posterity."14 The difference is significant. In the Western Augustinian tradition, every human being stands guilty before God from birth and deserves punishment. In the Eastern tradition, every human being inherits a condition—mortality and the tendency toward sin—but is not personally guilty of Adam's disobedience. This means God is not angry at humanity for something we did not do. He is grieved that we are broken, and He is working to heal us. That is a very different starting point for thinking about judgment and hell.
We come now to the image that gives Kalomiros's essay its title and its power. In the Orthodox icon of the Last Judgment—a familiar image in every Orthodox church—Christ is seated on His throne of glory. On His right are the blessed saints, radiant in the light of His presence. On His left are the damned, in anguish and torment. And flowing from beneath the throne of Christ is a river of fire, running directly toward the viewer, splitting into two streams—one flowing toward the blessed, one flowing toward the damned.
But here is what is remarkable: it is the same river. The same fire flows from the same throne to the same people, and the only difference is in how it is received. This image comes from Daniel 7:9–10, where the prophet sees the Ancient of Days seated on a throne of fiery flames, and "a river of fire was flowing, coming out from before him." In the Orthodox reading, this river of fire is not an instrument of torture. It is not a weapon of divine vengeance. It is the outpouring of God's love for His creation.15
Kalomiros wrote that this river of fire is identical to the river described in Genesis 2:10—the river that flowed from Eden to water the garden. It is "the river of the grace of God which irrigated God's saints from the beginning. In a word, it is the out-pouring of God's love for His creatures." And then he made the connection that lies at the heart of the divine presence model: "Love is fire. Anyone who loves knows this. God is Love, so God is Fire. And fire consumes all those who are not fire themselves, and renders bright and shining all those who are fire themselves."16
Kalomiros went on to explain how this plays out at the final judgment. The light of God's truth will fall on all people equally, without distinction. There will be no favoritism, no differentiation in what God gives. But some people will rejoice in that light, because their hearts are full of love for God. And others will be tormented by that same light, because their hearts are full of hatred for God. The difference is entirely in the recipient, not in the Giver. As Kalomiros put it: "The sun shines on healthy and diseased eyes alike, without any distinction. Healthy eyes enjoy light . . . Diseased eyes feel pain."17
Kalomiros then made an important observation about the afterlife: "But alas, there is no longer any possibility of escaping God's light. During this life there was. In the New Creation of the Resurrection, God will be everywhere and in everything." In this present life, people can distract themselves from God. They can hide from His presence. They can busy themselves with the noise and activity of the world. But in the age to come, when God is "all in all" (1 Cor. 15:28), there will be no escaping His love. For those who love God, this is the most beautiful news imaginable. For those who hate God, this is the most terrifying.18
R. Zachary Manis, in his treatment of Kalomiros's essay, drew attention to a further passage that clarifies the nature of this fire:
"For our God is a consuming fire" (Heb. 12:29). The very fire which purifies gold, also consumes wood. Precious metals shine in it like the sun, rubbish burns with black smoke. All are in the same fire of Love. Some shine and others become black and dark. In the same furnace steel shines like the sun, whereas clay turns dark and is hardened like stone. The difference is in man, not in God. The difference is conditioned by the free choice of man, which God respects absolutely. God's judgment is the revelation of the reality which is in man.19
I find that last sentence especially striking: "God's judgment is the revelation of the reality which is in man." Judgment, in this understanding, is not God deciding to punish someone. It is God revealing what is already there—the love or the hatred, the openness or the resistance, the gold or the rubbish. The fire does not create the difference between heaven and hell. It reveals the difference that already exists in the human heart.
The Central Image: In Orthodox iconography, a single river of fire flows from the throne of Christ. The saints experience it as light and warmth; the damned experience it as burning torment. The river is the same. God is the same. The difference is entirely in the human heart. Heaven and hell are two experiences of the same divine reality: the inescapable love of God.
If Kalomiros provides the framework, Isaac of Nineveh—also known as Isaac the Syrian—provides the heart. Isaac was a seventh-century bishop and monk who spent most of his life in solitary prayer in the mountains of what is now northern Iraq. He wrote some of the most beautiful and profound mystical theology in all of Christian history. And his reflections on the nature of God's love and its relationship to Gehenna (hell) are, in my judgment, among the most remarkable things ever written by a Christian theologian.
Isaac's most famous statement on the subject deserves careful attention. He wrote that those who are punished in Gehenna "are scourged by the scourge of love." He continued: "How cruel and bitter this torment of love will be! For those who understand that they have sinned against love, undergo greater sufferings than those produced by the most fearful tortures. The sorrow which takes hold of the heart which has sinned against love, is more piercing than any other pain."20
Let that sink in. Isaac is telling us that the torment of hell is not fire, not demons, not physical pain. It is love. Specifically, it is the agonizing awareness of having sinned against Love itself—of having rejected the One who gave everything for you, of having thrown away the greatest gift in the universe. And this awareness, Isaac says, is worse than any physical torture could ever be. Anyone who has ever deeply wounded someone who loved them—and then come to realize what they had done—knows something of what Isaac is describing. Multiply that by infinity, and you begin to glimpse the torment of Gehenna.
But Isaac was not finished. He insisted that God's love does not stop at the gates of hell. "It is not right to say that the sinners in hell are deprived of the love of God," he wrote.21 God does not withdraw His love from anyone—not ever, not even in the depths of Gehenna. The damned are not separated from God's love. They are immersed in it. And that is precisely the problem: they experience as torment the very love that the saints experience as paradise.
Isaac described the power of love working in two ways: "It torments sinners . . . [while] it becomes a source of joy for those who have lived in accord with it."22 This is essentially the same insight we found in Kalomiros's river of fire, but expressed with a depth of spiritual experience that only someone like Isaac—who had spent decades in solitary communion with God—could convey. God's love is one single, undivided reality. But that single reality produces two radically different experiences, depending on the condition of the heart that receives it.
What makes Isaac especially important for our purposes is that he insisted God never acts out of vengeance. God's punishment is always remedial—always aimed at healing, restoring, and drawing the sinner back. Isaac could not conceive of a God who would punish without any redemptive purpose. That would be cruelty, and cruelty is incompatible with love. As we noted in Chapter 22, the question of whether divine punishment is retributive or reformative is one of the central questions in the theology of hell. Isaac comes down firmly on the side of reformative punishment—punishment that has a goal, that aims at something, that is an expression of love rather than a negation of it.
Isaac's vision of God's love is so sweeping that it even extends to the idea that God loves the creatures in Gehenna. God does not stand outside hell looking in with indifference or contempt. He is present in Gehenna, loving the sinners who are there, aching for their repentance, working for their restoration. For Isaac, the very fact that people are being "scourged by love" means that love is still present, still active, still working. The scourge is the love. And where love is working, there is hope.
This is a radically different picture from the one most Western Christians have inherited. In the Western tradition, hell is typically the place where God's love is absent—the place where God has finally "given up" on people and handed them over to punishment. But in Isaac's vision, God never gives up. The love never stops. The scourge never ceases. And this, I believe, is deeply consistent with the character of the God we meet in Scripture—the God who leaves ninety-nine sheep to search for one lost lamb (Luke 15:4), the God who runs to meet a prodigal son while the boy is still a long way off (Luke 15:20), the God whose love is "as strong as death" and whose jealousy is "as fierce as the grave" (Song of Songs 8:6). This is a God whose love cannot be quenched by Sheol, by death, or even by the fires of Gehenna.
The contemporary Orthodox theologian David Bentley Hart, one of the most influential Christian thinkers of our time, has placed himself squarely in this tradition. Drawing explicitly on Isaac the Syrian, Hart writes that what we call hell is nothing but "the rage and remorse of the soul that will not yield itself to love." The wrathful soul experiences God's love not as bliss but as "chastisement and despair." But Hart emphasizes that this is not God's doing—it is the soul's own resistance to the love that is being offered to it. God does not change. The soul's refusal is what creates the experience of torment.45
Isaac of Nineveh on the Scourge of Love: "Those who find themselves in Gehenna will be chastised with the scourge of love. . . . The sorrow which takes hold of the heart which has sinned against love, is more piercing than any other pain. It is not right to say that the sinners in hell are deprived of the love of God." Hell is not the absence of God's love. It is the agonizing presence of a love that the sinner has rejected.
Gregory of Nyssa, one of the three Cappadocian Fathers and one of the most respected theologians in all of Eastern Christianity, took the divine presence tradition in a specific direction: the fire of judgment is God's means of removing evil from the soul, and it ultimately leads to restoration. Gregory compared the eschatological fire to a refiner's fire—painful, yes, but therapeutic. The fire does not destroy the person. It destroys the evil within the person. And once the evil is removed, what remains is pure and restored to its original, God-intended state.23
This understanding is rooted in Gregory's conviction that evil has no independent existence. Evil is a privation—an absence or distortion of the good, not a thing in its own right. Because evil is parasitic on the good, it cannot last forever. Eventually, the good must triumph, because only the good has genuine being. The fire of God's presence burns away the evil, and what is left is the good—the original, God-created person, purified and restored. As we discussed more fully in Chapter 25, Gregory taught this with no apparent consciousness of departing from the mainstream of the church's teaching. The great church historian E. H. Plumptre noted that Gregory set forth his universalism with the same confidence he brought to expounding the Nicene Creed.24
Gregory's contribution is important because he shows how the divine presence model naturally leads to a hope for ultimate restoration. If the fire is purificatory—if its purpose is to burn away evil, not to torment forever—then the fire has a goal, and when that goal is achieved, the suffering ends. This is a very different picture from the traditional Western view, in which the fire of hell is purely retributive and never-ending. Gregory does not merely argue that God's love is present in hell. He argues that God's love is active in hell—working, purifying, healing, restoring.
What is especially noteworthy about Gregory is his standing within the church. He was not a fringe figure or a suspected heretic. He was one of the architects of the Nicene Creed—the central statement of Christian orthodoxy affirmed by Catholics, Orthodox, and Protestants alike. The Second Council of Nicaea honored him with the title "Father of the Fathers"—essentially calling him the greatest of the great Church Fathers. And yet he taught universal restoration through purifying fire. This is a historical fact that should give pause to anyone who claims that the divine presence model, or the hope of ultimate restoration, is a novel or heterodox idea. If the "Father of the Fathers" held this view, it can hardly be dismissed as outside the bounds of Christian orthodoxy.
It is also worth noting, as Manis points out, that the divine presence model is not exclusively an Eastern Orthodox phenomenon. Even Martin Luther, the great Protestant Reformer, made a striking comment in his Commentary on the Psalms that echoes the core insight: "The fiery oven is ignited merely by the unbearable appearance of God and endures eternally. . . . Not as though the ungodly see God and His appearance as the godly will see Him; but they will feel the power of His presence, which they will not be able to bear, and yet will be forced to bear."50 Luther's language here—the "unbearable appearance of God," the "power of His presence"—is remarkably close to what the Eastern Fathers teach. It suggests that even within the Western tradition, there are traces of the divine presence insight waiting to be recovered.
The understanding of divine fire as corrective and pedagogical (meaning "teaching-oriented") has deep roots in the Alexandrian theological tradition, stretching back to the second century. Clement of Alexandria, the great teacher and apologist, taught that God's punishments are always medicinal. They have a purpose, and that purpose is reconciliation. Clement wrote that punishment "dissolves the hard heart, purges away the filth of uncleanness, and reduces the swellings of pride and haughtiness; thus restoring its subject to a sound and healthful state."25 For Clement, the very idea of God punishing without a redemptive purpose was "contrary to the character of God."26
Origen, Clement's brilliant successor as head of the Alexandrian catechetical school, took these ideas further. He taught that the fire of judgment was purificatory and that, in the end, all rational creatures would be restored to God—a doctrine known as apokatastasis (ἀποκατάστασις), meaning "restoration of all things." Origen's reasoning was deeply scriptural. As David Burnfield documents in Patristic Universalism, Origen and his fellow universalists believed their views were "explicitly taught in Scripture"—they were doing biblical exegesis, not philosophical speculation.27
Origen's central conviction about the fire of judgment was that God's Word is more powerful than all the evil in the human soul. He wrote: "Our belief is that the Word shall prevail over the entire rational creation, and change every soul into his own perfection. . . . For stronger than all the evils in the soul is the Word, and the healing power that dwells in him; and this healing he applies, according to the will of God, to every man."28 This is not the picture of a God who gives up on sinners. This is a God who pursues them relentlessly, whose healing power is greater than any disease of the soul.
I should note that we treat the Alexandrian Fathers and their views on universal restoration much more fully in Chapters 24 and 25. The point here is simply to show that the understanding of divine fire as corrective and healing—rather than merely retributive—has ancient and deep roots in the Eastern Christian tradition. Kalomiros was not inventing something new. He was recovering something very old.
The divine presence understanding of hell is not merely a historical curiosity preserved in ancient texts. It remains a living and vital tradition within contemporary Eastern Orthodoxy. Two of the most influential Orthodox theologians of the twentieth century—Kallistos Ware and Vladimir Lossky—articulated this view with particular clarity.
Kallistos Ware, the British-born Orthodox bishop and theologian whose writings have introduced millions of English-speaking readers to Orthodox Christianity, presented the tradition in characteristically careful terms. He argued that the fire of hell and the light of heaven are one and the same divine energy, experienced differently depending on the spiritual state of the person. This is not a fringe position within Orthodoxy. It is, as Ware presented it, a standard element of Orthodox teaching on the last things.29 William Harrison, in his survey of postmortem salvation, notes that Ware could be described as a "hopeful universalist" who considers that universal salvation might eventually come about—a position that is entirely permissible within Orthodox theology.30
Vladimir Lossky, one of the most important Orthodox theologians of the twentieth century and a leading figure in the Russian diaspora in Paris, made a statement that Manis describes as one of the most significant articulations of the divine presence model. Lossky wrote: "The love of God will be an intolerable torment for those who have not acquired it within themselves."31 Notice the precision of this statement. It is not that God withholds His love from the damned. It is that God's love is intolerable to them—not because there is anything wrong with the love, but because there is something wrong with them. They have not "acquired" love within themselves. They have not allowed the love of God to take root in their hearts. And so when they encounter that love in its fullness, it is excruciating.
Metropolitan Hierotheos of Nafpaktos, another important contemporary Orthodox theologian, elaborated on this point. He explained that God will love the sinners just as He loves the saints. It is impossible for God not to love sinners—that would be a denial of His own nature. But each person will experience God's love differently, according to their spiritual condition. Those who have cultivated love within themselves will perceive God's presence as light and joy. Those who have not will perceive that same presence as fire and torment, because they lack the spiritual capacity to receive it.32
Hierotheos even connected this teaching to the same Orthodox iconography that Kalomiros described: "The Church shows this in the iconography of the Second Coming. There we see the saints in the light that comes from the throne of God; and from the same throne springs the river of fire, where the unrepentant sinners are."33 The image in the icon is the theology in visual form. One throne. One God. One love. Two radically different experiences.
Fr. Thomas Hopko, whose multi-volume work The Orthodox Faith is endorsed by the Orthodox Church in America, put it with special clarity in a passage Manis quotes at length. Hopko explained that at the final coming of Christ, His very presence will be the judgment. For those who love the Lord, His presence will be "infinite joy, paradise and eternal life." For those who hate Him, the same presence will be "infinite torture, hell and eternal death." The reality for both the saved and the damned will be exactly the same. It is God's love—God's own fire—that the saints experience as radiant bliss and the damned experience as weeping and gnashing of teeth. And then Hopko delivered the crucial conclusion: "God does not punish man by some material fire or physical torment. God simply reveals Himself in the risen Lord Jesus in such a glorious way that no man can fail to behold His glory. It is the presence of God's splendid glory and love that is the scourge of those who reject its radiant power and light."34
The Contemporary Orthodox Consensus: Vladimir Lossky: "The love of God will be an intolerable torment for those who have not acquired it within themselves." Metropolitan Hierotheos: "God will also love the sinners, but they will be unable to perceive this love as light. They will perceive it as fire." This is not a fringe view within Orthodoxy—it is a standard element of their teaching on the last things.
Two additional patristic voices deserve mention here, as they illustrate how widespread this understanding is within the Eastern tradition. Saint Basil the Great, the fourth-century Cappadocian Father, wrote: "I believe that the fire prepared for the punishment of the devil and his angels is divided by the voice of the Lord. Thus, since there are two capacities in fire, one of burning and the other of illuminating, the fierce and scourging property of the fire may await those who deserve to burn, while illuminating and radiant warmth may be reserved for the enjoyment of those who are rejoicing."35
Notice what Basil is saying. The fire is not two different fires. It is one fire with two capacities. The same fire that burns also illuminates. The same divine presence that torments the wicked also delights the righteous. This is exactly the insight that runs through the entire "river of fire" tradition.
Saint Symeon the New Theologian, a tenth-century Byzantine mystic regarded as one of the greatest spiritual writers in the Orthodox tradition, made a closely related point. Writing about the inevitability of encountering God, Symeon urged his readers: "Come, let us be humbled under His mighty hand, which makes eternal life to spring forth for all, and imparts it abundantly through the Spirit to those who seek it."36 Manis notes that Symeon's language is striking for its inclusiveness—God's hand "makes eternal life to spring forth for all"—combined with an emphasis on the need to seek it. Life is available to all. But it must be received.
Taken together, these patristic voices—from the second century through the twentieth—present a remarkably consistent picture. God is unchanging love. His presence is fire. That fire both illuminates and burns, depending on the condition of the person who encounters it. Heaven and hell are not two different places created by two different aspects of God. They are two different experiences of the one, undivided, all-encompassing love of God.
If the Eastern tradition has preserved this rich and (I would argue) profoundly biblical understanding of hell, why is it so unfamiliar to most Western Christians? Kalomiros had a clear answer: the West went wrong because of Augustine.
Now, I want to be fair to Augustine. He was a towering intellect and a deeply devoted Christian. His contributions to Christian theology—on grace, on the Trinity, on the nature of sin—are enormous and largely positive. But on this particular issue, Augustine's influence was, I believe, deeply problematic. As we discussed in the section on divine justice above, Augustine brought a juridical, Roman legal framework to his reading of Scripture. God became primarily a Judge who must punish, and His justice was understood primarily in retributive terms. The Pelagian controversy pushed Augustine further and further in this direction, until he was arguing not only for the eternal punishment of unrepentant sinners, but for the eternal punishment of unbaptized infants—a position that most Christians today, even those who deeply admire Augustine, find difficult to defend.37
Beilby, in his survey of the history of postmortem hope, makes the crucial point that the question of postmortem opportunity "is one that can only be asked by those standing in the shadow of the Western church, for it is arguable that the Eastern Orthodox church never did lose sight of postmortem hope."38 The East, reading Scripture in the original Greek and inheriting the patristic tradition directly from the Fathers, preserved the understanding that God is love and that all His actions flow from love. The West, increasingly reading Scripture in Latin translation and inheriting a juridical framework from Roman law, developed a very different picture.
Kalomiros argued that several factors contributed to this divergence. First, the loss of the Greek language in the West meant that Western theologians were reading Scripture in translation—and translations carry theological assumptions. Augustine himself admitted his Greek was weak, and he relied heavily on Jerome's Latin Vulgate.39 Second, the legal culture of Rome—with its emphasis on courts, penalties, and satisfaction—shaped the way Western theologians read the biblical language of judgment and punishment. They heard "justice" and thought of a courtroom. The East heard the same word and thought of tsedaka—God's saving activity. Third, Augustine's enormous personal authority in the Western church meant that his views on hell and punishment became nearly unquestionable for centuries. As Beilby notes, the common medieval saying was "If one had Augustine on his side, it was sufficient."40
Talbott reflected on this same problem from a personal perspective, describing how the mainstream of Western theology presented him with a God who, though supposedly gracious to some, refused to will the good for others. He noted the painful irony that those who seemed to know the Bible best—those who actually knew Greek—were often precisely those whose theology he found most troubling.41 The Eastern Fathers did know Greek, and they arrived at a very different understanding of God's character and God's judgment.
The practical consequences of this Western distortion are real and far-reaching. Kalomiros argued that fear-based religion—religion built on the threat of eternal punishment by an angry God—inevitably produces either servile obedience or outright rejection. People either cower before this God in terror, or they reject Him entirely as a monster. The Eastern view, by contrast, produces a God who can be genuinely loved, because He is genuinely loving. And as we will discuss in Chapter 35 on pastoral implications, the way we present God's character has everything to do with whether people are drawn to Him or repelled by Him.
Burnfield's research in Patristic Universalism sheds additional light on this historical divide. He documents that of the six theological schools known to exist in the first five centuries of Christianity, four of them—Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, and Edessa or Nisibis—taught universal restoration. Only one (Carthage and Rome) taught eternal punishment, and one (Ephesus) taught conditional immortality.46 This is an astonishing piece of historical data that most Western Christians have never heard. The understanding of divine punishment as remedial and ultimately restorative was not a fringe position in the early church. It was the majority position, at least among the great centers of Christian learning. Even Saint Basil confirmed that in the fourth century, a belief in the restoration of all was the "most widespread" doctrine.47
What happened? Augustine happened. Talbott notes that Augustine referred to the many Christians who opposed eternal punishment as "certain merciful brethren of ours" and diagnosed their supposed error as "yielding to their own human feelings." Augustine wrote: "There are very many in our day who, though not denying the Holy Scriptures, do not believe in endless torments."48 Notice that Augustine himself acknowledged this was a very widespread view, even in his own time. He did not claim the universalists were rare outliers. He admitted they were "very many." But he believed they were wrong, and his enormous authority in the Western church eventually ensured that his view prevailed—at least in the West. The East continued on its own path, preserving the older, more hopeful tradition.
George Hurd, in The Triumph of Mercy, points to another consequence of the Western distortion: the monstrous idea that the saints in heaven would take pleasure in watching the torments of the damned. Hurd cites a string of Western theologians—Peter Lombard, Gerhard, Samuel Hopkins—who taught that the sight of the damned suffering would actually increase the happiness of the saints. Hopkins went so far as to say that if eternal punishment ceased, "it would in a great measure obscure the light of heaven, and put an end to a great part of the happiness and glory of the blessed."49 I find this view deeply troubling. How could anyone who has been perfected in love take pleasure in suffering? How could the saints, who are called to love their enemies (Matt. 5:44), find joy in watching those enemies burn forever? This is not the fruit of a healthy theology. It is the fruit of a theology that has lost sight of who God is.
The Eastern tradition, rooted as it is in the divine presence model, never fell into this trap. If hell is the experience of God's love—not His hatred—then there is nothing for the saints to gloat about. There is only grief, compassion, and the hope that those who are suffering in the fire of God's love will one day surrender to it and be healed. The Eastern view preserves both the seriousness of judgment and the integrity of divine love. The Western view, at its worst, produces a God who is less loving than His own redeemed creatures—a theological absurdity.
We arrive now at what is, for the argument of this book, the most important implication of the "river of fire" tradition. If God never changes, if He never stops loving, if He never acts out of vengeance, and if hell is the experience of that unchanging love by those not yet ready to receive it—then there is no theological reason to think God's love would stop pursuing the dead.
Think about it this way. In the traditional Western framework, God loves sinners during their earthly lives but then, at the moment of death, either abandons them or shifts into a posture of pure retributive justice. But if the Eastern Fathers are right—if God "neither rejoices nor grows angry," if He "only bestows blessings and never does harm, remaining always the same"—then this shift is impossible. God cannot change from loving to wrathful, because God does not change. What He is to us in life, He is to us in death. What He is to the saints in heaven, He is to the lost in hell. Always, unchangingly, relentlessly: love.
And if God's love does not stop at death, and if the fire of His presence is purificatory rather than merely retributive, then the possibility of repentance does not stop at death either. The fire continues to burn away evil. God's love continues to call, to pursue, to invite. As I argued in earlier chapters—drawing on 1 Peter 3:18–4:6 (Chapter 11), on the universal scope of the atonement (Chapter 3), and on God's universal salvific will (Chapter 4)—God continues to offer salvation beyond the grave. The "river of fire" tradition provides the theological foundation for how that offer works. God does not send an angelic messenger to the dead. He shows up Himself. He confronts them with His love—the same love that created them, that sustains them, that died for them on the cross. And He gives them the opportunity to respond.
Some will respond with joy and gratitude. They will let the fire purify them. They will let the love of God melt their resistance. And they will be saved. Others, tragically, may continue to resist—may continue to harden their hearts even in the very presence of Infinite Love. As I have argued throughout this book, I hold to conditional immortality: those who finally and irrevocably refuse God's love will, in the end, be destroyed. Not because God destroys them in anger, but because there is nothing left to save. The fire has burned away the evil, and if a person has identified so completely with evil that there is nothing else left, then the fire has burned away the person. This is the annihilation—not an act of divine cruelty, but the natural consequence of refusing the Source of Life.
The River of Fire and Postmortem Hope: If God never changes, never stops loving, and never acts out of vengeance—and if hell is the experience of that unchanging love by those who have rejected it—then God's love does not expire at the moment of physical death. The "river of fire" tradition supports the thesis that God continues to love and pursue the unsaved after death, giving them genuine opportunities to repent and be saved.
Before we move to our qualifications, I want to draw attention to a fascinating connection that Manis develops in his appendix to Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God. He points out that Daniel's vision of a river of fire flowing from God's throne (Dan. 7:9–10) should be read alongside Revelation 22:1–5, which describes "the river of the water of life, bright as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb." Both rivers flow from the same throne. Both proceed from the same God.42
On the divine presence model, Manis argues, these two rivers are identical. They are one and the same reality—the outpouring of God's presence—experienced as fire by those in rebellion against God and as the water of life by those in communion with Him. This is exactly what we see in Orthodox iconography, where both the river of fire and the river of the water of life are depicted as flowing from the same source. And it is exactly what we should expect if the Eastern Fathers are right: God does not have two different natures or two different modes of operation. He has one nature—love—and it is experienced in two different ways depending on the condition of the person who encounters it.43
This connection between Daniel 7 and Revelation 22 is, I think, one of the most powerful exegetical insights in the entire divine presence tradition. It ties together Old Testament and New Testament eschatology in a unified vision of God's final purpose: to be "all in all," to fill all things with His presence, and to give every creature the opportunity to experience that presence as life rather than as death.
I want to be clear about the limits of what I am arguing. I am an evangelical Protestant, not Eastern Orthodox, and I do not adopt the Orthodox tradition wholesale. There are at least three important points where my own framework differs from the majority Orthodox position.
First, I affirm conditional immortality—the view that those who finally and irrevocably reject Christ will be destroyed and cease to exist. Most Orthodox theologians do not affirm this. The majority Orthodox view holds that all human souls persist eternally, and that the damned experience God's love as torment forever. I disagree. I believe that if a person has so thoroughly identified with evil that the purifying fire of God's love leaves nothing behind, the result is annihilation—not eternal conscious torment. The fire has done its work, and there is simply nothing left to save. I find this more consistent with the biblical language of "destruction" (olethros, ὄλεθρος) and "second death" (Rev. 20:14) than the traditional Orthodox view of eternal torment, even in the divine presence framework.
Second, I affirm a more explicit postmortem evangelistic encounter than the Orthodox tradition typically articulates. While the Orthodox tradition has a robust theology of Christ's descent to the dead (the Descensus ad Inferos)—see Chapter 11 for our treatment of 1 Peter 3:18–4:6—it does not always spell out in detail how God encounters the unsaved after death. My own view is that every unsaved person will receive a genuine, personal encounter with God—most likely with the risen Christ Himself—at one or more points after death: during the dying process, in the intermediate state, and/or at the final judgment. This is not a single fleeting moment but a deep, meaningful encounter in which the person is given the opportunity to respond to God's love.
Third, while I have the greatest respect for the Orthodox tradition, I evaluate all theological claims by the standard of Scripture. Some Orthodox theologians ground their understanding of hell primarily in the authority of the Church Fathers and the liturgical tradition. As an evangelical, I ground my understanding primarily in the Bible. What I find encouraging is that the key insights of the divine presence model are well supported by Scripture—as we demonstrated in Chapters 23, 23A, and 23B. The Eastern Fathers did not invent these ideas out of thin air. They discovered them in the Bible, reading it in its original Greek, and they passed them on to us through their writings and their worship.
There is also a wider point to be made about the relationship between Eastern and Western theology. We do not need to choose one over the other entirely. The Western tradition has its own enormous strengths—its emphasis on justification by faith, on the authority of Scripture, on the finished work of Christ. But on this particular topic—the nature of hell and its relationship to God's love—the Eastern tradition has preserved an insight that the West badly needs to recover. We can be grateful for the East's witness without becoming Eastern Orthodox, just as we can learn from the Reformers without agreeing with them on every point.
We have covered a lot of ground in this chapter. Let me draw the threads together.
The Eastern Orthodox patristic tradition, represented by Kalomiros's landmark essay "The River of Fire" and grounded in the writings of some of the most revered Church Fathers—Isaac of Nineveh, Saint Anthony, Saint Basil, Saint Irenaeus, Saint Maximus the Confessor, Gregory of Nyssa, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen—teaches a remarkably consistent view of hell that is radically different from the dominant Western picture. In the Eastern view:
God does not change. He does not love the righteous and hate the wicked. He does not warm some with His presence and burn others with His wrath. He is always, unchangingly, relentlessly love. The difference between heaven and hell is not a difference in God. It is a difference in the human heart.
Hell is not a place of God's absence. It is a place—or rather, an experience—of God's overwhelming presence, received by hearts that are not yet able (or willing) to accept His love. As Lossky put it, "The love of God will be an intolerable torment for those who have not acquired it within themselves."44
The fire of divine judgment is one and the same reality as the light of divine glory. It purifies gold and consumes wood. It illuminates the righteous and scorches the wicked. Same fire. Same God. Different recipients.
God's justice is not retributive balance—it is tsedaka, saving activity, love in action. God does not punish in order to get even. He disciplines in order to restore.
And—most important for the argument of this book—if all of this is true, then God's love does not expire at the moment of physical death. The God who is fire continues to burn. The God who is love continues to love. The river continues to flow from the throne, offering life to all who will receive it. The door to repentance remains open as long as God remains love. And God remains love forever.
In the final analysis, the "river of fire" tradition gives us not just a more adequate theology of hell, but a more adequate theology of God. It gives us a God who is worthy of worship, worthy of trust, and worthy of love—because He Himself is Love, from beginning to end, from this world to the next, from life to death and beyond. And that, I believe, is the God we meet in the pages of Scripture. That is the God who descended to Hades to preach good news to the dead (1 Peter 3:19–20; 4:6). That is the God whose love is stronger than death (Song of Songs 8:6). That is the God before whom every knee will one day bow, not in terror but in wonder, as they behold the face of the One who has loved them from the foundation of the world and who has never, ever, ever stopped.
1 Alexandre Kalomiros, "The River of Fire" (paper presented at the 1980 Orthodox Conference, Seattle, WA; published by St. Nectarios Press, 1980). The full text is available online at glory2godforallthings.com. ↩
2 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. I. ↩
3 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. II. Kalomiros presents the Western God as "an offended and angry God, full of wrath for the disobedience of men" who requires "an infinite satisfaction for His offended pride." He traces this distortion through Augustine, Anselm, and the Scholastics. ↩
4 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. III. Kalomiros provocatively argues that atheism is not the rejection of the true God but of the caricature painted by Western theology. ↩
5 Thomas Talbott, The Inescapable Love of God, 2nd ed. (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2014), chap. 2, "A Complementary Argument from God's Love." Talbott describes his deep personal struggle with the picture of God he found in the mainstream of Western theology. ↩
6 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IV. ↩
7 On the interrelationship of tsedaka, hesed, and emeth in the Hebrew Bible, see Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IV; and the extensive treatment in Chapter 2 of this volume on the character of God as the foundation for postmortem opportunity. ↩
8 Isaac of Nineveh, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IV. Isaac is drawing on the parable of the workers in the vineyard (Matt. 20:1–16) and on Romans 5:8. ↩
9 Isaac of Nineveh, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IV. ↩
10 Saint Anthony the Great, Philokalia, chap. 150, as cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. V. ↩
11 Saint Basil the Great, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. VI. ↩
12 Saint Irenaeus, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. VI. Compare Irenaeus, Against Heresies 5.27.2. ↩
13 Saint Maximus the Confessor, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. VI. ↩
14 Saint Anastasius of Sinai, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. VI. ↩
15 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IX. The iconographic tradition is discussed alongside Daniel 7:9–10. ↩
16 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. IX. Cited also in R. Zachary Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God: An Essay on the Problem of Hell (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019), 252–53. ↩
17 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. X. Cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 253. ↩
18 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. X. ↩
19 Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. X, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 253–54. ↩
20 Saint Isaac of Nineveh (Isaac the Syrian), as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 254. See also Vladimir Lossky, The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary, 1997), 234. ↩
21 Isaac of Nineveh, cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 254. ↩
22 Isaac of Nineveh, cited in Kalomiros, "River of Fire," sec. VIII. ↩
23 On Gregory of Nyssa's understanding of eschatological fire as purificatory, see David Burnfield, Patristic Universalism: An Alternative to the Traditional View of Divine Judgment, 2nd ed. (2016), chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." See also the fuller treatment in Chapter 25 of this volume. Metropolitan Hierotheos notes that some scholars see Gregory as a proponent of the divine presence model, not merely of universalism. See Hierotheos of Nafpaktos, Life after Death, trans. Esther Williams (Levadia-Hellas, Greece: Birth of the Theotokos Monastery, 2000), chap. 8, esp. 138–43, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 254n.11. ↩
24 E. H. Plumptre, cited in Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." Gregory set forth his universalism "with no apparent consciousness that he is deviating into the bye-paths of new and strange opinions." ↩
25 Clement of Alexandria, as cited in Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church," under "Clement of Alexandria." ↩
26 Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church," under "Clement of Alexandria." ↩
27 Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." Burnfield cites Steven Harmon, Every Knee Should Bow: Biblical Rationales for Universal Salvation in Early Christian Thought (Dallas: University Press of America, 2003), and Ilaria Ramelli and David Konstan, Terms for Eternity: Aionios and Aidios in Classical and Christian Texts (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2013), 221. ↩
28 Origen, cited in Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church," under "Origen." ↩
29 See, e.g., Kallistos Ware, The Orthodox Way, rev. ed. (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1995), 180–82, on the Orthodox understanding of eschatological fire as the divine presence experienced differently by the saved and the damned. ↩
30 William Harrison, Is Salvation Possible After Death?, chap. 12, "Post-Death Salvation and the Eastern Orthodox Church." Harrison notes Ware's stance as a "hopeful universalist." ↩
31 Vladimir Lossky, The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary, 1997), 234, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 256. ↩
32 Hierotheos, Metropolitan of Nafpaktos (Vlachos), Life after Death, trans. Esther Williams (Levadia-Hellas, Greece: Birth of the Theotokos Monastery, 2000), 13–14, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 256n.16. ↩
33 Hierotheos, Life after Death, 14, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 256n.16. ↩
34 Fr. Thomas Hopko, The Orthodox Faith: An Elementary Handbook on the Orthodox Church, vol. 4, Spirituality (New York: Department of Religious Education, Orthodox Church in America, 1976), 196–97, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 251. ↩
35 Saint Basil of Caesarea, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 254. ↩
36 Symeon the New Theologian, The Discourses, trans. C. J. De Catanzaro, Classics of Western Spirituality (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1980), 49, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 255–56. ↩
37 On Augustine's evolving views, see James K. Beilby, Postmortem Opportunity: A Biblical and Theological Assessment of Salvation After Death (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2021), 196–97. Augustine's opposition to postmortem opportunity hardened significantly during the Pelagian controversy. ↩
38 Beilby, Postmortem Opportunity, 196. Beilby cites Archbishop Alfeyev, who affirms that the belief in Christ's descent into Hades and his preaching to the dead "is not a theologoumenon [personal opinion], but belongs to general church doctrine." ↩
39 On Augustine's limited knowledge of Greek, see Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." Burnfield cites multiple sources confirming that Augustine's Greek was "deficient," including Walter C. Kaiser Jr. and Moises Silva, Introduction to Biblical Hermeneutics (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2007), 267; and Norman Geisler and William Nix, A General Introduction to the Bible (Chicago: Moody Press, 1975), 356. ↩
40 Beilby, Postmortem Opportunity, 197. The Latin expression was: Si Augustinus adest, sufficit ipse tibi. ↩
41 Talbott, Inescapable Love of God, chap. 2, "A Complementary Argument from God's Love." ↩
42 Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 388. ↩
43 Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 388–89. Manis argues that both rivers are "references to the divine presence" and specifically "to the glory of the Lord, described in Scripture variously as a fire and a light that surrounds and emanates from the glorified Christ." ↩
44 Lossky, Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church, 234. ↩
45 David Bentley Hart, The Doors of the Sea: Where Was God in the Tsunami? (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 84–85. Hart draws explicitly on Isaac the Syrian and the broader Eastern Christian mystical tradition. See also Hart, The Beauty of the Infinite: The Aesthetics of Christian Truth (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 399, as cited in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 250n.4. ↩
46 George T. Knight, cited in Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." The six schools were Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, Edessa/Nisibis, Ephesus, and Carthage/Rome. ↩
47 Saint Basil, cited in Burnfield, Patristic Universalism, chap. 9, "Historical Support of the Early Church." ↩
48 Augustine, Enchiridion, cited in Talbott, Inescapable Love of God, chap. 3, "The History of Controversy." Augustine admitted these were "very many" and that they had no desire to "go counter to divine Scripture." ↩
49 Samuel Hopkins, cited in George Hurd, The Triumph of Mercy: The Reconciliation of All through Jesus Christ (2017), chap. 4, "The Traditional View Examined." Hurd also cites Peter Lombard and Gerhard expressing similar sentiments. ↩
50 Martin Luther, Commentary on the Psalms, as cited in Edward William Fudge and Robert A. Peterson, Two Views of Hell: A Biblical and Theological Dialogue (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2000), 122, and in Manis, Sinners in the Presence of a Loving God, 255. ↩
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